A friend from college died in the Gaza war. I’ve been to way too many funerals than a person my age should attend. I jump with anxiety every time I hear the siren of an ambulance. I hear people around me saying they can’t finish the day without a glass or two. More than one friend of mine who’s about to study abroad is having second thoughts because of the rising antisemitism on campuses. This is not an attempt to undermine or overlook Palestinian suffering. The pain and tragedy Gazans continue to go through since October 7 are unspeakable, and my heart goes out to the Palestinian civilians. But October 7 is a trauma for every Israeli, and I use the word “trauma” on purpose. There’s a link between the psychological and the geopolitical. Until the war, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was largely ignored by most Israelis. A false sense of security and fierce debates on other issues (church-and-state, judicial legislation, corruption) enabled Israelis to look the other way. However, October 7 made the conflict impossible to ignore. The murder of over 1,200 Israelis, the kidnapping of 251, the 250,000 Israeli refugees who fled the Gaza envelope and the Galilee, and the fact that almost on a daily basis soldiers keep dying in Gaza, are too heavy of a price that every Israeli pays. That trauma’s influence on geopolitics can be called Catch 10/7. As the international community says that a two-state solution is the only path to peace, most Israelis, even from the left, hear “price to terrorism”. Calls from the world to provide aid perceived as demands to “assist the enemy”. The U.S.’s demand to make sure civilians are protected during combat is interpreted as “America doesn’t want us to win”. However, at the same time, when the radical right in Israel (who’s represented in the coalition) calls to seize the “historic” opportunity and resettle Gaza, most Israelis, including on the right, know that resettling Gaza means an endless, pointless war, with hundreds of avoidable casualtiesת Palestinian and Israeli. And so, Israel is stuck in the gravest moment of its history: we don’t want to make concessions, we don’t want to re-occupy Gaza, and we can’t just keep turning a blind eye to the ongoing conflict. So, how do we move from here? A good first step could be adopting the “Ceasefire Triangle”,  the three objectives that from Israel’s perspective are crucial in order to end the war. One is the immediate return of all the hostages,  which 72% of Israelis support ending the war in order to make that happen. The released hostages share unspeakable, atrocious human rights violations. They must return.  Second, is ensuring Hamas is dismantled.  This is not a maximalist approach that seeks killing or capturing every Hamas militant in Gaza, and it does not involve permanent military presence in Gaza. It is about dismantling its military and governing capabilities, making sure Hamas has no future, as it is posing a threat to Israelis, to Palestinians, and it is also the largest obstacle to peace. Third, is creating a long-term reconstruction process in the Palestinian society.  The fact that Hamas was elected in 2006 doesn’t mean that all Gazans support it; but the group does enjoy a good deal of popular support. We must dismantle the social institutions that glorified violence against Israelis (the reform in the textbooks in the UAE is a good model) and replace them with pro-coexistence institutions. Founded four years ago, LIBRAEL  is promoting just that: advocating for Israeli interests, in a way that is compatible with liberal values. We know that supporting a secure, prosperous, democratic nation-state for the Jewish people and that believing in freedom, justice, and human rights are far from mutually exclusive. The Ceasefire Triangle  is proof of that. Adopting it would ensure the enormous prices we are paying are not in vain.

(By Bar Shamrish) Yesterday morning, the alarms blared once more. As an Israeli, it wasn’t the first time I had heard them, but this time, they struck a deeper chord—exactly as they had a year ago on October 7th, 2023.   On that day, I woke up to a nightmare—a day unlike any I had ever experienced in this country. It was a day of fear, shock, and awe, a deadly surprise that forever changed us. All of us were glued to our screens, searching for answers and explanations. What we found were images of horror, stories that are so gut-wrenching they’re hard to believe, as the nightmare unfolded before us. Hundreds of Hamas militants broke through the Gaza border, storming Israeli towns and communities. They slaughtered civilians indiscriminately—men, women, children, and even the elderly. Entire families were massacred in their homes. Some burned alive. Young children were taken hostage or murdered in front of their parents. Kibbutzim, where families thought they were safe, became scenes of unimaginable bloodshed. The images of those atrocities—bodies of young children wrapped in bloodied blankets, parents shielding their children in their final moments—seared into our collective consciousness.   Yesterday felt different. It was as though we had stepped into an all-new Memorial Day, but this one was filled with raw, unhealed wounds. Stories of that bloody Saturday flooded the airwaves, like that of the mother who hid her children in the closet while blood-thirsty murderers tried to break into their safe room. Or the “about to retire, too old for this” police officer who cleared his neighborhood of gunmen with just his personal gun and sheer courage. The heroic reservists who left behind their partners and children, donned their fatigues, went to save our country, and never returned.   Horrible videos that Hamas themselves published showed bodies mutilated beyond recognition, with Hamas fighters celebrating the brutalities they committed. The most disturbing videos showed members of Hamas dragging civilians out of their homes, executing them in the streets, and desecrating their remains. Footage emerged of kidnapped civilians—men, women, children, even babies—being paraded through Gaza as trophies, with crowds cheering. The explicit hatred was like nothing we had ever seen, and it left our nation reeling.   As if the horror of the massacre wasn’t enough, something equally disturbing unfolded in parts of the West. In the days following the attack, massive pro-Hamas - not to be identified as pro-Palestinian - protests erupted across major cities in Western countries. Some of these protests were overt in their support for the actions of Hamas, glorifying violence as “resistance” and justifying the slaughter, kidnapping, and abuse of innocent Israeli civilians. At universities across Europe and North America, particularly in the U.S., pro-Palestinian encampments appeared - and while some legitimately called for freedom and peace for Palestinians, no insignificant numbers of students and faculty held rallies that bordered on outright support for the violent actions of Hamas. Posters of kidnapped Israeli civilians were torn down, and slogans like “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” echoed on campuses—a slogan that means that Israel should be dismantled and Israelis should be displaced. Even more shocking was the silence, or worse, the tacit approval from some of the academic institutions themselves. Free speech and the right to protest, of course, must be protected. Still, when that speech turns into open advocacy for violence or denying the self-determination of a group of people, it forces us to ask difficult questions about the lens in which certain groups in the West observe this conflict.   An anti-Israel protester ripping down posters of Hamas hostages (left) and anti-Israel protesters in Baltimore City (right) (TND/Gary Collins).   A year later, the sorrow is immense, the pain unbearable. Millions of Palestinians are suffering enormously - injured, displaced, and killed - from the war that Hamas has brought upon them. The presence of Hamas militants and arms within civilian population is another factor contributing to the Palestinian suffering, as it is clear that the leaders of Hamas could not care less about their actions’ implications on the people they claim to lead. Their constant refusal to temporary ceasefires that will feel the Gaza strip with aid is a major factor in the dire shortage of food and medicine.  Yet, within this tragedy, something remarkable happened: we stood up. We pushed back. In the face of chaos and death, ordinary citizens banded together to uplift and serve one another. They filled the ranks of those who had fallen and supported those who lost almost everything. A nation of lions, shaken to its core yet resilient when it mattered most.   There’s a saying in Judaism from the sages, Chazal: “All of Israel is responsible for one another.” Since that tragic Saturday, it has felt like a living truth here in Israel. People of every background—Jews and Arabs, religious and secular, members of the LGBTQ+ community and those who are not, Ashkenazi, Sephardic, Mizrahi, and Ethiopian Jews—have sought each other’s well-being, offering help, comfort, and healing.   This unity gave me hope for the country I love. It deepened my Zionist identity - the simple belief that Jews must be able to live free in their own democratic state - and forced me to confront uncomfortable truths about my own perspectives. I began to understand what Golda Meir meant, as President Biden later echoed when she said, “We have no place to go.” It wasn’t merely a statement of geographic limitation but a testament to our strength, unity, and determination that defines our people. Our true power lies not just in our history or our land but in our solidarity with one another—that unique blueprint of the Israeli spirit.   A year has passed since October 7th, 2023, and we have yet to rise fully from the “Shiva” of that day. Despite the passage of time and the rallying cry that emerged from every corner of this nation, the wounds are deep, and the scars will linger. But we must never lose hope. As the French author François de La Rochefoucauld wrote: “Hope is the last thing that dies in man; and though it be exceedingly deceitful, yet it is of this good use to us, that while we are traveling through life, it conducts us in an easier and more pleasant way to our journey’s end.”   We, the eternal Jewish people, must cling to hope.   The hope is that one day, Israelis and Palestinians will realize that only through peaceful coexistence could an Israeli state and a Palestinian state live side by side and end once and for all the bloodshed. But it has to come from both sides, from true recognition by the other group. That the abolishment of Israel, or a one-state solution, is the antithesis of it - but also rejecting Palestinian desire for self-determination is.    Though our journey is long, hope lights our way.

While the war in Gaza hasn’t over yet, it is imperative to think beyond ceasefires and short-term needs, including the release of 101 Israeli hostages and providing humanitarian aid.   In order to make sure this is the last war between Israel and the Palestinians, which in turn could lead to a more constructive, peace-building path, what Gaza needs is a comprehensive, multi-faceted plan to address its security, political, humanitarian, and social challenges - a strategy that not only ends cycles of violence but removes their root causes and plants seeds for lasting coexistence, and eventually peace. Enter the "Meatball Sub" strategy: a vision that combines immediate stabilization efforts with long-term reconstruction and partnerships on regional and global scales. The Four Pillars: The Meatballs At the core of this strategy are four interconnected pillars, each crucial to transforming Gaza from a hotspot of tragedy, violence, and despair into a beacon for hope: Counter-Insurgency Operations : Dismantling the remnants of Hamas and its militant infrastructure is the first step. This involves targeted, chirurgical operations to neutralize threats while minimizing harm to civilians. The goal is to eliminate Hamas’s military capabilities and ideological influence, ensuring Gaza does not remain a launchpad for violence against Israelis. Rellying on special operations units alone, and not on a permanent IDF “boots on the ground” presence, will also protect Israeli lives and make sure Israel can direct its military resources into other fronts, while also preventing Israeli civilians from re-settling Gaza, which would put them, the soldiers protecting them, and the entire strategy at risk. A Governing Alternative : The collapse of Hamas must be met with the rise of an effective and humane governance structure, probably relying on a reformed Palestinian Authority (and strict reforms must be applied on it, given its curroption, ineffectiveness, and unpopularity). This interim administration would focus on providing basic services such as healthcare, education, and utilities, restoring dignity to the lives of Gazans and signaling a break from the corruption and violence of the past. Physical Reconstruction : Over a year of war left Gaza in ruins. Rebuilding homes, schools, hospitals, and transportation infrastructure is essential to restoring normalcy and laying the groundwork for a functional society and economy. This effort must be guided by transparency and accountability to prevent resources from falling into the wrong hands, and should relly on a combination of multinational organizations, state actors, and private sector investors. Social Reconstruction : Perhaps the most challenging pillar, this involves rebuilding institutions within Palestinian society to foster coexistence rather than division. Education reform (similar to the reforms executed in the UAE regarding Israel) and preachers and religious scholars training, leading to the replacement of incitement with messaging of peace and opportunity are essential to creating a future where another violent group like Hamas cannot reemerge because it will not find an ideological ground to grow on. The Bread: Two Layers of International Support A "meatball sub" isn’t complete without its bread, and this strategy is no different. The success of these four pillars hinges on two layers of external cooperation: A Regional Security Alliance : Israel cannot achieve these goals alone. A coalition that includes Jordan, Egypt, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and a renewed Palestinian Authority would bring collective expertise, resources, and legitimacy to the table, including security cooperation on other fronts (especially Iran). This alliance would ensure that Gaza’s borders are secure, arms smuggling is stopped, and regional stability is prioritized. A Global Democracy Alliance : Beyond the region, Gaza’s reconstruction and Israel’s global positioning must be bolstered by a broader coalition of democratic powers. The frontline democracies - Israel, Ukraine, Taiwan, and South Korea - understand the existential threats posed by authoritarianism, given their conflicts with Iran, Russia, China, and North Korea (respectively). With the support of Western organizations like NATO and the Quad, this alliance could provide geopolitical support, technical expertise, and diplomatic backing to ensure Gaza’s transformation aligns with universal values of freedom and human rights. A Vision for the Future The "Meatball Sub" is not just a plan; it is a vision for what Israel and Gaza - and the region at large - could become. It acknowledges the complexities of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict while refusing to accept the status quo of endless war or to “hide” behind simplistic deflections (“it’s complicated”). It definitely does not allow extremists, on both sides, to take advantage of the tragedy of October 7 and the war that follows it, to their own messianic agendas. By combining tactical operations, humanitarian governance, physical and social rebuilding, and robust international alliances, this strategy offers a roadmap for stability that is as pragmatic as it is ambitious, while addressing the legitimate concerns of all parties involved. This is not a quick fix, nor will it be easy. It sure does not solve all of the region’s challenges. But the alternative - endless cycles of violence, suffering, and instability - is far worse. The time to act is now, with a clear-eyed commitment to breaking the mold and building a future where Gaza is no longer a symbol of despair but a beacon of possibility.

Newsletter to Congress: As Israel marks the anniversary of the October 7 Massacre, Israelis are being attacked by both Hezbolláh and Iran; Hostage release and a ceasefire, however, seem less likely than ever Top 5: 1. Israeli Action in Lebanon:   In response to the escalating threat posed by Hezbollah, the IDF has taken more proactive steps, including targeted assassinations of Hezbollah leadership and ground maneuvers in Lebanon to enforce UN Security Council Resolution 1701. 2. Iranian Missile Response:   After Israel’s operations significantly weakened Hezbollah, Iran retaliated by launching 182 ballistic missiles toward Israeli cities, most of which were intercepted through combined efforts of Israel, the U.S., and Jordan, with minimal casualties. 3. Stalled Negotiations:   Negotiations for a hostage deal and ceasefire have seen little progress, exacerbated by declining media attention and the belief that Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar has gone underground and is uninterested in any deal. 4. Renewed Hamas Activity in Gaza:   Hamas has reorganized in humanitarian areas of Gaza, leading to Israeli ground operations in Jabalia and an expansion of security corridors in Gaza, yet an Israeli long-term strategy for Gaza’s governance post-Hamas remains unclear. 5. Gideon Sa’ar Joins the Coalition:   Gideon Sa’ar has entered the Netanyahu-led coalition. Although he did not secure the Defense Minister role, his presence reduces Itamar Ben-Gvir’s influence and positions him to negotiate independently on key votes. Full Report:  The Northern Front: In light of the threat Hezbollah poses to the residents of northern Israel, who were forced to flee their homes in October 2023 due to fears of a Hezbollah invasion, Israel has begun to take more active measures on the northern front over the past two weeks. This is based on the assessment that merely a diplomatic agreement will not succeed in distancing Hezbollah from the border. These actions include a series of targeted killings of the organization's leadership, including the assassination of the organization's secretary-general, Hassan Nasrallah, following the explosion of Hezbollah's beepers. Israel's activities escalated further this week when it initiated a ground maneuver within Lebanese territory to force Hezbollah to withdraw from the Israeli border and beyond the Litani River, thereby enforcing UN Security Council Resolution 1701 from 2006. In response to Israel's actions, which significantly weakened Hezbollah's power, Iran launched 182 ballistic missiles towards Israeli population centers. Most of the missiles were intercepted through the combined efforts of Israel, the U.S., and Jordan, causing no casualties except for the death of a Palestinian civilian in Jericho. The Israeli government has already announced that it will respond to the Iranian aggression, but it has not yet declared how it intends to do so.  The Palestinian Front: No significant progress has been made in the negotiations for a hostage deal and ceasefire, against the backdrop of decreased media coverage in Israel and the U.S. assessment that Sinwar has gone underground and is not interested in a deal. Simultaneously, various media outlets report that Israel is considering an offer to exile Sinwar to South Sudan in exchange for a hostage deal and ceasefire. Additionally, security officials estimate that the fighting in the north and the ground maneuver could impact a ceasefire in the south and the hostage deal. However, Israel is not inclined to advance such an agreement, also due to operational achievements. In the Gaza Strip, Hamas has reorganized in humanitarian areas, prompting the IDF to launch a ground operation in Jabalia with a raid on the neighborhood. Additionally, the IDF decided to expand the Netzarim corridor, which bisects Gaza, to deepen its security hold. Before the operation, many steps were taken to prevent harm to civilian populations, and they were called to evacuate the neighborhoods where the IDF would enter, alongside air force strikes on Hamas militants who had established themselves in a UNRWA humanitarian area. It is evident that in many places from which the IDF previously withdrew, Hamas has reorganized as residents returned to the area. This is due to the fact that the Israeli government still lacks a clear strategy for “the day after” and for finding a governing alternative to Hamas. The Political Front: MK Gideon Sa'ar is joining the coalition led by Benjamin Netanyahu with his National Right party, though without a coalition agreement except for a position in the security cabinet and a minister without portfolio role. This move expands the coalition from 64 to 68 seats, neutralizes the veto power of National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, and increases the likelihood that the coalition will survive politically until the end of 2026, the original election date. Gideon Sa'ar is considered hawkish on security matters but relatively liberal on social and religious issues. For many years, there was animosity between him and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu due to Sa'ar's statements that Netanyahu acts out of personal motives only. However, since October 7 and the outbreak of the war, relations between the two have tightened, culminating in his official entry into the government. Critics of Sa'ar argue that this is a cynical political move meant to secure him a position, while supporters claim that Sa'ar will be able to steer government policy in a more hawkish direction and limit Ben-Gvir’s influence. It is noted that Sa'ar entered without securing his initial demand to be appointed Defense Minister in place of Yoav Gallant, another political rival of Netanyahu. This fact is a disadvantage for him but also an advantage, as he is not currently bound by coalition discipline and can negotiate on each vote individually.

(by Oz Bin Nun) Some wars are unavoidable. I wouldn’t wish anyone to see what I saw with my own eyes on October 7. I also don’t wish  anyone to know what it feels like having to fight for your life and for the lives of those you love most. War is hell, period. This is why we must seuirsly address  the call to “stop the war now”. It has been voiced since the moment this war began. It sounds moral, because war is a horrible, terrible thing, but it is not. It is not moral because as war is terrible, sometimes all the other alternatives are even worse. When I’m forced to kiss my wife goodbyego to war, when my siblings and friends go to war, leaving behind family and children, we don’t like it -  the opposite. As a matter of fact, we hate it. We go to war because it’s theonly way we can remove the death threat from our loved ones, and until a diplomatic path guarantees this, we’ll have to keep fighting. We want to create peace and prevent destruction on the long run, which are not possible with the Hamas and Hezbollah at our borders, threatening our citizens and oppressing their own. Hence we must do everything we can to ensure that the organizations responsible for these atrocities - and that continue to take Israeli lives for a whole year - are no longer a threat. Only after their dismantling can we turn to rebuilding and developing peaceful relations, and I truly hope, friendship as well. The Culture of Lies. Right after the October 7 Massacre, I flew to speak at a U.S. campus. During my talk, I argued that even if someone supports Israel, there’s no way to claim that this war is inherently good, or that no innocent people are harmed. We have to be honest: innocent people have been harmed in Gaza. Women and children die, and it’s heartbreaking. I know for a fact that the military and the soldiers are doing everything they can to prevent it, including putting their own lives at risk as they evacuate civilians from a battlefield. It’s terrible because war is terrible, and at the same time sometimes there’s no avoiding war because the death threat still exists - the remaining question is how to conduct it as morally as possible in an impossible situation. A few days later, the local SJP chapter heavily edited the video of my talk and claimed I had boasted about killing children in Gaza - an accusation that is not only false but ridiculous, as I had already clarified that I personally had never fought in Gaza (however I did fought in the Israeli towns on the border). Shortly afterward, two different newspapers fact-checked this claim and confirmed it was a lie, but the video had already gone viral, of course. This culture of lies is dangerous because it turns morality, and public discourse into weapons aimed at anyone who dares support Israel. It doesn’t seek to create a better reality or even to promote peace, only to silence people in the public space. The result is a total rift and an inability to communicate. We have to be honest: movements like SJP declared themselves, as early as October 8, an arm of armed resistance. They praised the October 7 Massacre and spread propaganda that supports killing, kidnapping, and raping. These movements are not liberal, not progressive, and not woke, the other way around. By their fundamentalist aproach they do not bring the world closer to peace—only to more war. Not Revenge. Prevention. Some people who discuss the war inthe middle east tend to frame it as “revenge.” This is mostly due to terrible statements from some Israeli public figures, including government ministers. Such statements are not just immoral and irresponsible, they don’t reflect what most Israelis believe in: I saw the horrors of October 7 with my own eyes, the survivors of Nova Mass Shooting and the kibbutzim, but I never went into battle for revenge, nor did we. People don’t leave their families to seek revenge; they leave to protect them. My friend Eitan Oster RIP recorded a video a few days before he was killed in Lebanon, saying, “A person goes to war not out of hatred for the enemy but out of love for those behind him.” This is how most reservists feel: we risk our lives to protect those in Israel who can’t protect themselves, and for no other reason. It’s still possible, even necessary, to criticize the Israeli government’s strategy (or to be accurate, lack of strategy). While it’s essential to dismantle war-crimes committing organizations that are threatening the nation’s existence, we musti question the approach - or, better yet, propose an alternative path. A Double Struggle. We’re not blind to extremist elements within Israel. In every war throughout history, fighting societies have tended to radicalize, increasingly hating the opposing side. This is a natural and unfortunate result of the daily violence, a reality in which every day Israelis die. As peace-seeking Israelis we have a dual task, nearly impossible. We must fight to defend our loved ones while constantly resisting the natural inclination toward dehumanization. We must remind ourselves, again and again, that peace is not just possible but neccecary, and remain sensitive and alert enough to recognize a genuine opportunity for peace when it arises. My request to you, liberals in the U.S. or worldwide, is to help us in this task. Accusations against Israel don’t help; they only strengthen extreme voices, and marginalize peace-persuers like us. Ask yourselves: how can I support the moderate majority in Israel that wants security and dreams of peace? How can I promote real peace, grounded in reality, addressing Israel’s legitimate security concerns and at the same time fulfilling Palestinians rights to live free? We need you now more than ever.

Newsletter to Congress: The Chaos continues - both in Israel and around it. Please find below the bi-weekly report by LIBRAEL - Liberal Israel, around the current events in the region. Top 5: 1. More than 10 IDF soldier and dozens of Palestinian civilians were killed, including in safe areas that were identified as Hamas targets 2. Hostage deal seems less likely by the day, however public discourse around the Philadelphi Route, the main resistance to such a deal, is gone 3. Massive escalation in Israel's north, following the precise attack of Hezbollah's pagers and communication devices. Hundreds of thousands of Israeli civilians are under fire. 4. PM Netanyahu tried to replace Defense Minister Gallant, a political rival, with MK Gideon Sa'ar, another political rival, but faced protests and eventually the replacement did not occur. 5. Iran's president presenting a new vision of Islamic unity, but aspires closer relations with Russia and China and stick to "resistance" to Israel. Domestic Scene: Chaos Around a Potential Defense Minister Replacement Defense Minister Replacement:  Last week, Prime Minister Netanyahu negotiated with MK Gideon Sa’ar from the National Unity Party in the opposition about joining the government, offering him the position of Defense Minister to replace Gallant from Likud, who is considered a rival of Netanyahu. This negotiation sparked massive criticism from the opposition and protest organizations, accusing Netanyahu of attempting to replace a professional Defense Minister with an MK lacking significant security experience, in the midst of war, for political reasons. Additionally, government opponents claim that Sa’ar might be willing to pass a military draft law that favors the ultra-Orthodox parties, something Gallant opposes because he aims to pass such a law with broad consensus between the coalition and the opposition, based on the IDF’s needs. Protests:  Protests against the government and in support of a deal for the release of the hostages continued over the past two weeks, though less widespread than before. Additionally, a protest was held outside the home of MK Gideon Sa’ar to pressure him not to join Netanyahu’s government. Ultimately, Sa’ar announced that he would decline the offer, but his public standing suffered, and he is now perceived as someone willing to compromise his values for a position. Broad Government:  leaders of the opposition - Opposition Leader Yair Lapid and former defense ministers Benny Gantz and Avigdor Leiberman - met to jointly discuss their actions should an all-out war break with Hezbollah. While they may join the government to show unity, it is possibile that they will demand changes in how it will operate, given the experience of the last unity government in which Gantz was a part of. This is especially important if Netanyahu will, as reported, fire Gallant whatsoever and appoint a loyalist instead. Gaza:   Continuing Deadly Fighting, Stalemate in the Deal Negotiations There has been no significant progress in the hostage deal. The U.S. still has a proposal on the table, alongside reports in the American media expressing pessimism about reaching an agreement. The discourse about the Philadelphi Route and its importance has completely disappeared from the media, indicating that it was merely a smokescreen by the government to thwart the possibility of a hostage deal. Although the appointment of Sa’ar as Defense Minister was canceled due to escalation in the north, it is possible he will be appointed to another ministerial position, which could further delay the hostage deal due to his opposition. Fighting in Gaza continues, and in the last two weeks, over ten Israeli soldiers and dozens of Palestinian civilians have been killed, including civilians in protected areas identified by Israeli intelligence as Hamas targets. The IDF investigated those incidents, and should malpractice be found, such as attacking those targets without sufficient intelligence, the commanding officers will be held accountable. Despite the ongoing fighting, the 98th Infantry Division and the 7th Armored Brigade have been redirected to the northern front. The Shiite Axis: Iran Continues to Attempt to Harm and Exhaust Israel via Its Proxy Forces Iran's new president, Masoud Pezeshkian, presented a vision for regional Islamic unity, including deepening cooperation with Russia and China. While denying Iran’s aspiration for nuclear weapons, Pezeshkian emphasizes the need to continue resisting Israel and declares that Iran will never give up its missile program. Meanwhile, Hezbollah is preparing for a confrontation with Israel in Lebanon, against the backdrop of escalating tensions: the explosion of pagers on September 17th, the explosion of communication devices on September 18th, and the assassination of Hezbollah's operations unit commander, Ibrahim Aqil, a Hezbollah mastermind who planned a "Lebanese October 7th." In response, Hezbollah has increased its range of rocket fire, placing hundreds of Israeli towns and cities within strike range, endangering hundreds of thousands of Israelis. Hezbollah, which refuses to cease fire and comply with UNSC Resolution 1701, is thereby preventing hundreds of thousands of Israelis from returning home safely. At the same time, the Houthis from Yemen fired a ballistic missile towards Israel, and Iranian militias operating in Iraq fired rockets as well; all were intercepted. This continues the trend of Iranian proxies attempting to engage Israel from across the region.

Newsletter to Congress: Top 5: 1. The fighting in Gaza continues, as Hamas demands full withdrawal of Israeli forces as a condition to a hostage deal, a return to October 6. 11 Israeli soldiers died in the past two weeks. 2. The bodies of six civilian hostages were rescued from Gaza; all died in their captivity, underscoring the urgency of reaching a deal - with 63% of Israelis support it. 109 hostages are still in Hamas's hands. 3. A massive rocket attack on Israeli cities and strategic locations, as retaliation for Israel killing Hezbollah commander, was prevented by a preemptive strike on the 25th of August. 4. Massive political rift over the memorial ceremony for the October 7 massacare, with several Kibbutzim and the Hostage Families HQ refuse to participate in the government-led one. 5. IDF Chief Intelligence has left, taking responsibility for the October 7 failure and calling to establish a National State Commision of Inquiry. The War in Gaza Recovery of Bodies and Status of Hostages:  This week, the bodies of six civilians hostages were recovered from Gaza in a military operation: Alex Danzig, Yoram Metzger, Avraham Mondar, Chaim Perry, Yagav Bukshtab, and Nadav Poplow, all were kidnapped alive on October 7. The hostages' bodies showed signs of gunfire that did not appear on the Hamas militants who were with them in the tunnel, suggesting that Hamas killed these six hostages out of fear of a potential rescue operation. This brings the number of hostages currently held by Hamas to 109, with Israeli estimates suggesting that only 74 of them are alive. War Status: Defense Minister Yoav Gallant announced that Hamas's Rafah Brigade has been destroyed and that 150 tunnels were demolished along the Philadelphi (Israel-Egypt) route, including a 3-meter-high tunnel that allowed vehicle passage. Gallant and the IDF claim that although there are likely still hidden shafts along the Philadelphi route, the IDF has achieved operational control over it. In the last two weeks, 10 more Israeli lives were lost in the Gaza Strip, bringing the number of Israeli soldiers killed in the Iron Swords War to 701. Hostage Deal Negotiations: Negotiations for the return of hostages began and stopped again this week. Even after the visit of U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, no significant progress was reported, as Hamas still rejects Israel’s position to control the Philadelphi route, demands full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza - essentially returning to “October 6” status-quo. It should be noted that with the elimination of Ismail Haniyeh, he was replaces by Yehya Sinwar, the chief architect of the October 7 massacre. This move has solidified Sinwar's power within Hamas and made it a movement shaped in his image, complicating the progress of negotiations. From an internal Israeli political perspective, there is significant anger towards Netanyahu's government, which is seen as preventing a hostage deal that: according to recent poll by Channel 12, has 63% support among Israelis, with only 12% who opposes it.  Polio Outbreak:  Last month, the Israeli Ministry of Health found evidence of the polio virus in Gaza, and last week it was reported that a 10-month-old baby in Gaza contracted the virus. As a result, an order was issued to vaccinate all IDF soldiers entering the Gaza Strip, and Israel must prepare to prevent an epidemic. The Iranian Axis The Northern Front: On August 25, the IDF attacked Hezbollah targets in southern Lebanon in an effort to prevent Hezbollah from launching hundreds of rockets and drones at population centers and strategic bases in Israel in retaliation for the assassination of Fuad Shokri a month ago. Hezbollah did manage to launch rockets into Israel, some of which fell in Israeli cities and towns, but did not hit strategic military locations like the Glilot base of Military Intelligence. Within Israel, there were direct hits on homes, and one naval soldier was killed by shrapnel. A special emergency situation was declared in the Israeli home front, lasting until the afternoon of the same day. Reuters reported that Israel sent messages to Hezbollah indicating that it did not seek a broad war. Iran:  According to foreign media estimates, Iran wishes to delay its retaliation against Israel for the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh a month ago due to increased U.S. presence in the region. Additionally, this week, U.S. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Charles Brown arrived in Jordan and will later visit Israel to discuss with IDF Chief of Staff Hertzi Halevi possible scenarios of attacks from Hezbollah or Iran. Displaced Persons:  As of June 2024, more than 17,000 displaced persons from the north are currently staying in hotels across the country, and approximately 51,000 displaced individuals from the north are residing in other locations. Domestic Arena Memorial Ceremony:  With the Knesset on recess, most disputes in Israel revolve around government actions - specifically, the question of the memorial ceremony for the October 7 massacre and its management. With the responsibility for organizing the ceremony assigned to Transportation Minister Miri Regev, several kibbutzim in the Gaza envelope and the Hostages Families HQ have announced their intention to boycott the ceremony, as they hold Minister Regev, being part of the government, accountable. An alternative event will be led by them, joined by notable figures from the Israeli non-Netanyahu supporting right. Responsibility for the Massacre: Simultaneously, the Head of the Intelligence Directorate, Major General Aharon Haliva, has concluded his role. Haliva, one of the key figures responsible for the October 7 failure, is the first senior official to take responsibility - in his farewell speech, he spoke extensively about the need to bear responsibility, apologize, and establish a National State Commission of Inquiry to examine all factors leading to October 7. It should be noted that Haliva's successor, Major General Shlomi Binder, was also responsible for October 7 - at the time, Binder was the Head of the IDF Operations Directorate, responsible for its operations during emergencies, hence the operational failure on October 7 is also attributed to Binder. Alongside the intelligence and operational failures, there is also a diplomatic failure - the strategic failure of Benjamin Netanyahu's approach to strengthen the split between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas and "contain" it as an obstacle to the diplomatic process. Netanyahu has yet to take responsibility.

Newsletter to Congress: Pro-Deal Protests, West Bank Violence, Indifferent Government It has been horrible two weeks for Israel, with the recovery of six hostages that we know we could have bring back alive had our government accepted a deal. At the same time, the West Bank is on the verge of violent explosion - and Israel's government is doing all they can to not just continue this war, but to avoid accountability. As always, here's an update of recent events in Israel, from Israel, from a liberal perspective - who's greatly needed this days. For more information, please visit our website or social media accounts. Gaza: As the fighting continues with no end in sight, the most notable event of the past two weeks is the recovery of the bodies of six hostages from Gaza - Hirsch Goldberg-Polin (a U.S. citizen whose parents spoke at the Democratic National Convention and called for his return), Carmel Gat, Eden Yerushalmi, Ori Danino, Alex Lubanov, and Almog Sarusi RIP - after they were executed by their captors as the IDF approached. Alongside the fighting, which takes the lives of Israelis and Palestinians alike, negotiations for a ceasefire and the release of hostages continue, although optimism for an agreement is waning due to disputes over Israeli control of the Philadelphi Route. The West Bank and the Northen Front: On Sunday, three Israeli civilians were murdered by a Jordanian truck driver who shot them at the Israel-Jordan border crossing, his motive unclear. As part of the IDF’s commitment to transparency, the investigation into the tragic death of Aysenur Ezgi Eygi, a Turkish-American citizen near Nablus, is still ongoing, and it is too early to know how or why she was killed. Despite a relatively calm couple of weeks, Israel's north is still abandoned—around 90,000 Israelis are internally displaced, as they can't return to their homes near the Lebanon border due to the constant day-to-day bombing by Hezbollah. This is exceptionally worrisome as the new school year began on September 1st, with children unable to return to school. Domestic Arena: Pro-Deal Protests: The news of the hostages, who had become household names in Israel and were executed by Hamas despite being on the list of those set to be released in a deal, has fueled widespread anger towards Netanyahu’s government, as it is perceived as stalling efforts to secure a deal for the release of the hostages, with 61% of Israelis believing it does not do enough. This has led to a week of massive and furious protests across the country, involving hundreds of thousands of Israelis, including several clashed with the police. 60% of Israelis now support a deal to end the war and bring back the hostages, viewing the current government as abandoning the 101 hostages still held in Gaza by Hamas, possibly for political reasons. The return of judicial overhaul: The Supreme Court has ordered Justice Minister Yariv Levin to convene the committee for the selection of judges to approve the new Chief Justice for the Supreme Court. Levin has refused, as he is opposing the Seniority System in which the most senior justice is appointed. Under this system, Judge Yitzhak Amit, a government critic, would become the new president. Levin instead proposes a compromise in which Judge Yosef Elron, considered more acceptable by Levin, would serve as president for a year before being replaced by Judge Amit. Critics of the government view this as a preemptive move against growing calls for a National Commission of Inquiry into the October 7th failures, which a former Chief Justice would likely lead—and as the only former Chief Justice available is Judge Emeritus Ester Hayut, a vocal critic of the government, Levin and Netanyahu have a major incentive to prevent such a commission. If Levin's proposal is accepted, the inquiry would be less critical of the government's actions. Levin's attempt to revive judicial overhaul during the war has also intensified opposition and civil society protests. The budget: Discussions on the 2025 state budget have resumed, drawing heavy criticism of the government and particularly Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, both from opposition and within the coalition. After a dispute with professional staff, Smotrich has shown more willingness to work with them to draft the budget, aiming to address war-related expenses and reduce the deficit. To achieve this, Smotrich is pushing for cuts in health, welfare, and education, while avoiding cuts to settlement projects. Critics outside the government accuse Smotrich of leading cuts that will harm all Israelis, particularly working Israelis, due to his refusal to cut coalition funds— billions allocated to coalition parties for sectoral purposes. At the same time, Ultra-Orthodox parties have announced they will refuse to vote for budget-related decisions until their private educational network subsidies are secured. It’s important to note that under Israeli law, the government's failure to pass a budget proposal in the Knesset is equivalent to a no-confidence vote, which could lead to the dissolution of the government and new elections.