Anti-war, pro-Hostage deal protest. Organizers estimate that up to half a million people (5% of the Israeli population) participated in the largest demonstrations since the Gaza war began in October 2023. On Sunday, August 17, 2025, hundreds of thousands of Israelis filled the streets in Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, Haifa, and cities across the country. Organizers estimate that up to half a million people (5% of the Israeli population) participated in the largest demonstrations since the Gaza war began in October 2023. Hostages Square in Tel Aviv alone drew at least 200,000 by nightfall. Protesters are demanding that the government put human life and the commitment to its civilians first, recognizing the fact that the military campaign has exhausted itself months ago and further pressure would not lead to the eradication of Hamas. What Happened? The nationwide strike and protests were led by the October Council and the Hostages and Missing Families Forum, despite not being supported by the Histadrut (Israel’s largest labor union). They began at 6:29 a.m. - the exact moment Hamas launched its brutal attack on October 7, 2023. Demonstrators all across society blocked highways, marched in solidarity, and gathered at exhibitions and rallies. Doctors, students, farmers, and everyday Israelis joined together in an extraordinary show of unity and resilience, so contrary to the government who tried to minimize the scope of the protests or to label them as supportive to Hamas. Even a missile attack from Yemen did not cause protesters to fall back. The Call for a Hostage Deal The demand is clear: ending the war with a deal that will bring home the remaining 50 hostages - of whom only about 20 are believed alive. Protesters voiced outrage at Prime Minister Netanyahu’s plan to fully occupy Gaza City, a move that families of hostages as well as the military leadership warn would further endanger lives - Israeli and Palestinian alike - would fail to achieve any strategic objective, and deepen the cycle of violence. Israelis are aware to the costs and are ready to pay the price of releasing Hamas fighters (including those who participated in the October 7 Massacre) and withdrawing from Gaza. Israelis are not united behind an endless war. More and more Israelis understand that a continued fighting would not remove Hamas. Why It Matters The protests erupted just days after Netanyahu announced his intention to seize Gaza City - an act condemned by key allies like the UK, France, and Germany. At the same time, rumors of renewed ceasefire negotiations are circulating, especially in light of the reports that MK Benny Gantz is considering rejoining the government to support a hostage deal. Protesters are demanding that the government put human life and the commitment to its civilians first, recognizing the fact that the military campaign has exhausted itself months ago and further pressure would not lead to the eradication of Hamas. Civil society leaders, artists, and former hostages joined families of hostages in calling for an end to the war and for a hostage release deal, calling on president Trump to use his leverage on Netanyahu. Their voices represent the growing majority of Israelis who refuse to accept endless war as the country’s destiny, and. Our Take These protests remind us: Israelis are not united behind an endless war. The struggle for the hostages is alive in the streets, with more and more Israelis who understand that a continued fighting would not remove Hamas, and who are willing to fight for a better future. We will continue to lift up these voices of hope, and to ensure that America hears them. As always, we are here to answer your questions and serve as a resource. The LIBRAEL Team

While the war in Gaza isn't over yet, it is imperative to think beyond ceasefires and short-term needs, including the release of 101 Israeli hostages and providing humanitarian aid.   In order to make sure this is the last war between Israel and the Palestinians, which in turn could lead to a more constructive, peace-building path, what Gaza needs is a comprehensive, multi-faceted plan to address its security, political, humanitarian, and social challenges - a strategy that not only ends cycles of violence but removes their root causes and plants seeds for lasting coexistence, and eventually peace. Enter the "Meatball Sub" strategy: a vision that combines immediate stabilization efforts with long-term reconstruction and partnerships on regional and global scales. The Four Pillars: The Meatballs At the core of this strategy are four interconnected pillars, each crucial to transforming Gaza from a hotspot of tragedy, violence, and despair into a beacon for hope: Counter-Insurgency Operations : Dismantling the remnants of Hamas and its militant infrastructure is the first step. This involves targeted, chirurgical operations to neutralize threats while minimizing harm to civilians. The goal is to eliminate Hamas’s military capabilities and ideological influence, ensuring Gaza does not remain a launchpad for violence against Israelis. Rellying on special operations units alone, and not on a permanent IDF “boots on the ground” presence, will also protect Israeli lives and make sure Israel can direct its military resources into other fronts, while also preventing Israeli civilians from re-settling Gaza, which would put them, the soldiers protecting them, and the entire strategy at risk. A Governing Alternative : The collapse of Hamas must be met with the rise of an effective and humane governance structure, probably relying on a reformed Palestinian Authority (and strict reforms must be applied on it, given its curroption, ineffectiveness, and unpopularity). This interim administration would focus on providing basic services such as healthcare, education, and utilities, restoring dignity to the lives of Gazans and signaling a break from the corruption and violence of the past. Physical Reconstruction : Over a year of war left Gaza in ruins. Rebuilding homes, schools, hospitals, and transportation infrastructure is essential to restoring normalcy and laying the groundwork for a functional society and economy. This effort must be guided by transparency and accountability to prevent resources from falling into the wrong hands, and should relly on a combination of multinational organizations, state actors, and private sector investors. Social Reconstruction : Perhaps the most challenging pillar, this involves rebuilding institutions within Palestinian society to foster coexistence rather than division. Education reform (similar to the reforms executed in the UAE regarding Israel) and preachers and religious scholars training, leading to the replacement of incitement with messaging of peace and opportunity are essential to creating a future where another violent group like Hamas cannot reemerge because it will not find an ideological ground to grow on. The Bread: Two Layers of International Support A "meatball sub" isn’t complete without its bread, and this strategy is no different. The success of these four pillars hinges on two layers of external cooperation: A Regional Security Alliance : Israel cannot achieve these goals alone. A coalition that includes Jordan, Egypt, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and a renewed Palestinian Authority would bring collective expertise, resources, and legitimacy to the table, including security cooperation on other fronts (especially Iran). This alliance would ensure that Gaza’s borders are secure, arms smuggling is stopped, and regional stability is prioritized. A Global Democracy Alliance : Beyond the region, Gaza’s reconstruction and Israel’s global positioning must be bolstered by a broader coalition of democratic powers. The frontline democracies - Israel, Ukraine, Taiwan, and South Korea - understand the existential threats posed by authoritarianism, given their conflicts with Iran, Russia, China, and North Korea (respectively). With the support of Western organizations like NATO and the Quad, this alliance could provide geopolitical support, technical expertise, and diplomatic backing to ensure Gaza’s transformation aligns with universal values of freedom and human rights. A Vision for the Future The "Meatball Sub" is not just a plan; it is a vision for what Israel and Gaza - and the region at large - could become. It acknowledges the complexities of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict while refusing to accept the status quo of endless war or to “hide” behind simplistic deflections (“it’s complicated”). It definitely does not allow extremists, on both sides, to take advantage of the tragedy of October 7 and the war that follows it, to their own messianic agendas. By combining tactical operations, humanitarian governance, physical and social rebuilding, and robust international alliances, this strategy offers a roadmap for stability that is as pragmatic as it is ambitious, while addressing the legitimate concerns of all parties involved. This is not a quick fix, nor will it be easy. It sure does not solve all of the region’s challenges. But the alternative - endless cycles of violence, suffering, and instability - is far worse. The time to act is now, with a clear-eyed commitment to breaking the mold and building a future where Gaza is no longer a symbol of despair but a beacon of possibility.

This article was written by Oz Bin Nun , head of LIBRAEL's content team. The opinions expressed are his alone. Anti-Israel protest. If claiming that Israel is a colonial enterprise was true, then like other colonial powers it would have collapsed. Anti-Israel chants - like "From the river to the sea" or accusations that Israel is a colonialist project - are not only historically inaccurate; they are also deadly and counterproductive. In a brilliant piece in The Atlantic, Jeffrey Goldberg explores Hamas’s leader Yahya Sinwar's critical miscalculation that led to the collapse of Iran's anti-Israel coalition after October 7. Sinwar was caught up in his own propaganda - he believed his own rhetoric that Israelis see themselves as foreigners who do not truly belong in their own state. His logic was straightforward: hit them hard enough and they will collapse. "Sinwar believed his own rhetoric, that Israelis see themselves as foreigners... His logic was straightforward: hit them hard enough and they will collapse." The outcome of that miscalculation is painfully clear: the war Sinwar ignited did not cause Israel to collapse. On the other hand, the Gaza Strip lies in devastation. Hezbollah - under the leadership of Hassan Nasrallah, who also believed Israel is a fragile society - is weakened to an extreme degree. Iran itself has suffered devastating strikes at the hands of the IDF and the Mossad. But the lesson we must draw goes beyond Sinwar and Nasrallah. It extends to the far-left rhetoric surrounding Israel. For years, this rhetoric has insisted on the same thing Sinwar thought: that Israel is a settler-colonial state built by European immigrants and therefore uniquely fragile and reversible. You see this belief in chants at anti-Israel protests - slogans labeling Israelis as white colonizers and calling for their removal, as if they were French colonists in Algeria or British soldiers in North America. The perception, as Adam Kirsch describes, is that Israel is a colonial project that can simply be undone. "Labeling Israelis as white colonizers and calling for their removal, as if they were French colonists in Algeria or British soldiers in North America." Yet this view is profoundly flawed. It ignores the diverse reality of Israeli society - a nation where more than half of the Jewish population hails not from Europe but from the Middle East and North Africa. It ignores that most Israelis feel deeply rooted in their homeland, every bit as indigenous to this region as anyone else - including the Palestinians. And it adopts a false historical parallel - hoping that, like the FLN against the French, violence will cause Israelis to give up and leave. Truth is an aptness between what one says about something and the thing itself. If one says that the sun is hot and the sun is hot, that is the truth. Applying this standard, if anti-Israel chants truly reflected reality - if Israelis were merely fragile colonizers with no genuine connection to the land - then continuous violent attacks would eventually break them. As that is not the case, and in fact the October 7 attacks increased the levels of patriotism among Israelis (including Arab Israelis), it is proof that these beliefs do not match the reality on the ground, then those chants are false. "Anti-Israel myths do not reflect a fragile settler colony, because in reality Israel is a robust, stable society, ties to its land and identity, that grows more resolute under attack." In William James’s pragmatism, the value of an idea is measured by its practical effects - by how it shapes behavior and how the world responds. Seen through this lens, we recognize that Israeli society acts as an anti-colonial, deeply rooted community with profound ties to its land and identity (just check the lyrics of the Israeli anthem). If we imagine a spectrum with fragile societies on one end - easily shattered by pressure - and robust, stable societies on the other - societies that grow stronger by challenge - it's evident that after 21 months of intense war, Israel belongs on the robust and stable end. In this pragmatic sense, anti-Israel myths do not reflect a fragile settler colony, because in reality Israel is a robust, stable society that grows more resolute under attack. This is not just a philosophical debate. If it is false to assume that Israelis will collapse like colonial powers of the past, then the only logical response is to abandon this fantasy and find other ways, peaceful ways, to resolve the conflict. Like the United States, where nobody seriously expects returning Turtle Island to Indigenous tribes by expelling the entire settler-descended population, it is impossible and dangerous to pretend that Israel can simply be reversed. A Jewish and a Muslim soldiers pray. Israel is not a fragile society, but grows more resolute under attack, and level of patriotism spiked after October 7 among Jews and Arabs alike. Recognizing that these Anti-Israel chants are not effective is not merely an intellectual exercise; it is a moral imperative. Twenty-one months into an intense and devastating war, this out-of-touch fantasy that Israel can simply be wished away is only fueling more suffering. Understanding that these myths do not align with reality is the first step toward preventing further bloodshed and moving toward genuine solutions that provide a better future for Israelis and Palestinians alike.

Destroyed homes in Rishon Letzion, Israel, after an Iranian-fired ballistic missile hit it. Dear friends and supporters, One week ago, Israel entered into an open, direct war with the Islamic Republic of Iran. This is not just another round of escalation. It is a pivotal moment - long feared, now real. And it demands strategic honesty and moral clarity. At LIBRAEL, we are committed to pursuing peace, practicing diplomacy, and protecting liberal values. We are also committed to Israeli interests - first and foremost, its right to defend itself when faced with existential threats. That is why we support this war. As we are committed to transparency, we wanted to elaborate on our stance. We encourage to use our answers if you find them helpful in your day-to-day conversations on this issue. We also encourage you to reach to us by email or social media if you want to hear more. 1. Why did the war start now? The Israeli intelligence community has reached the conclusion that we’ve arrived at a “now or never” moment vis-à-vis Iran's nuclear program. Unless Israel acts now, Iran will, within a matter of days, enrich enough uranium to weapons-grade levels - sufficient for one nuclear bomb. While it is uncertain whether Iran currently has the capability to turn this enriched uranium into a functioning nuclear warhead, Israel believes it cannot afford to take that risk. 2. Why do we believe this war is not politically motivated? Some accuse the Israeli government of launching this war to distract from domestic troubles, from the "draft law" to the failure to safely return the hostages in Gaza. All elected officials make political calculations when making decisions, and Prime Minister Netanyahu is no exception, yet we reject the claim that this war is solely the result of one person’s political needs. The security and intelligence communities are unanimous regarding the need to act (a level of agreement never before seen on this issue). Israel’s opposition leaders, who are not shy about criticizing the government on other issues, especially Gaza, support as well. Those serve as proof that this is not about internal politics - it’s about national security. 3. Why do we support the war? Wars are frightening, painful, and dangerous. Dozens of Israelis and hundreds of Iranians have already been killed, and both countries are suffering enormously. This war is not a war of choice, as Israel already has enough conflicts on its plate, and it is definitely not about revenge. It is about degrading Iran’s offensive capabilities and preventing a nuclear threat on Israel and the region. 4. What does a desirable outcome look like? Let us be clear: a desirable outcome is not endless war. While some call for regime change, we know from history - particularly the war in Iraq - that such outcome can be risky and unpredictable. We all agree that a pro-west, liberal, democratic Iranian government would benefit the entire region (especially the Iranian people), but we must recognize that this is not the only end-state possible. Instead, a more realistic goal is a reality in which Iran is no longer an existential threat but merely a regional nuisance. If Iran is deprived of its nuclear infrastructure, its ballistic missiles, and its regional proxy network, its threat to Israel and the region will be significantly weakened. LIBRAEL will support any diplomatic agreement that can ensure these objectives. 5. Why do we want the United States to stay out of the war? American support matters, and we are grateful for it, but Israel has never asked others to defend it - and we’re not about to ask now. U.S. military involvement will put American personnel in harm's way, drag the U.S. into an avoidable war, and cement the antisemitic trope that Israel dictates U.S. foreign policy. The U.S. is our key ally, and we ask its support in terms of equipment, air-defense, and diplomacy, particularly enabling Israel to destroy the enrichment facility in Fordow - but we don't ask it to fight directly. 6. How do our liberal values apply during wartime? Even in war, liberal values matter. We call on the Israeli government to uphold the rule of law, to do everything it can to minimize civilian casualties, and to differentiate between the regime and the freedom-loving Iranian people. Liberalism also means standing up to authoritarian aggression. Iran’s regime represses its own people and threatens its neighbors. Turning a blind eye to its oppressive behavior would be a betrayal of our values. 7. What kind of peace are we fighting for? Not a naïve peace - but a durable one. One in which Israelis no longer live under the threat of Iranian missiles or a nuclear weapon, and where the Iranian people - like others in the region - can one day live free of dictatorship, oppression, and war. We hope that day comes sooner rather than later. At the same time, we do not delude ourselves into thinking that removing the Iranian threat will create a perfect Middle East. We remain in conflict with our Palestinian neighbors. There is a terrible human tragedy unfolding in Gaza, where Hamas is still in power, and 53 Israelis are still held hostage by it. We will not know true peace until we fulfill our liberal Zionist vision: Israel as a secure, prosperous, democratic nation-state of the Jewish people, and Palestinians living in liberty, security, opportunity, and dignity. We still believe in that future.

The sites attacked across Iran. Israel attacked military sites and leadership, nuclear infrastructure, missiles and aerial defense systems. Source: New York Times. What Happened On June 13th, at approximately 3:00 AM local time, Israel launched a large-scale military operation (Operation A Rising Lion), targeting Iranian nuclear facilities, missile capabilities, and high-ranking officials. IDF Chief of General Staff LTG Eyal Zamir, stated that we’ve reached a “push comes to shove” moment. The operation conducted multi-wave airstrikes on roughly 100 targets across Iran, including Iran’s main uranium enrichment facility at Natanz, ballistic missile production sites, Russian-made aerial defense batteries, and military bases housing senior commanders. These attacks were enabled due to a Mossad-activated secret drone base inside Iran, launching explosive drones to target ballistic missile launchers near Tehran. In response, Iran launched over 100 drones toward Israel, though no ballistic missiles were reported at the time. Israel declared a nationwide state of emergency, activated warning sirens, and neutralized most incoming drones by noon (local time). In the week since the war started around 30 Israelis and over 200 Iranian were killed. U.S. President Donald Trump now has a stronger negotiation position: he can offer Iran to force Israel to end the strikes in exchange for scaling back its nuclear program. Why: Context of the Strikes in Iran It is unclear whether these strikes will entirely dismantle Iran’s nuclear program, but Israeli leaders, such as IDF Chief of General Staff LTG Eyal Zamir, stated that we’ve reached a “push comes to shove” moment. Intelligence assessments from February 2025 indicated that Israel saw a narrowing window to halt Iran’s nuclear program due to Iran’s efforts to replenish its aerial defense capabilities after most were destroyed by Israel in October 2024. The timing of the strikes coincides with stalled U.S.-Iran nuclear talks, which were set to resume in Oman on June 15, 2025. The U.S., under President Donald Trump, had been negotiating a new nuclear deal, offering sanctions relief in exchange for Iran halting uranium enrichment. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, skeptical of diplomacy’s ability to prevent the nuclearization of Iran, was aiming to derail these talks, pushing a humiliated and vulnerable Iran into a harder stance. Iran’s subsequent announcement that it would not participate in the scheduled talks suggests Israel’s strategy may have succeeded, at least in the short term; on the other hand, U.S. President Donald Trump now has a stronger negotiation position: he can offer Iran to force Israel to end the strikes in exchange for scaling back its nuclear program. Within Israel, the decision to strike reflects not just strategic but also political imperatives: Netanyahu, facing an ongoing corruption trial and domestic unrest due to his failure to bring back the 53 hostages held in Gaza and his responsibility to the October 7 Massacre, has now fulfilled his decades-long aspiration to strike Iran, trying to reposition himself as the “protector of Israel.” He hopes that the strikes will improve his image, especially in light of damaging polls and the probability of elections in early 2026. What’s Next: Things to Watch in the Coming Days The Israeli strikes on Iran mark a pivotal moment in the Middle East, and several factors - Iran’s response (especially if they attack U.S. assets or forces), the Trump administration’s approach, the public dynamics in Israel, and the global energy markets - will determine its results. The one major factor that will determine the dynamic of the coming days is the BDA (Bombing Damage Assessment) - the more damage done to Iran’s military capabilities, the better Israel’s and the U.S.’s position to leverage the military achievements into diplomatic ones. At the same time, it is crucial to remember that Israel is still engaged in an equally important fight in Gaza: to remove Hamas from power, which still poses a deadly threat to Israelis and stands in the way of peace in the region, and to bring back 53 Israeli hostages who are held by Hamas in inhumane conditions for 623 days.

Feminist protesters in New Mexico (left) and Ramat Gan (right), carrying signs saying "we are not going back". The right to speak, to assemble, to protest, to live free from discrimination, all at the core of liberal values. In today’s political climate, “liberal values” are invoked by too many actors, from too many ideological perspectives, with too many conflicting interpretations. For us at LIBRAEL, liberalism isn’t a slogan or a tribal badge. It’s a moral and practical philosophy grounded in the conviction that all people are created equal. It demands that we protect the vulnerable and the different, champion justice, and always struggle to create better, fairer societies. "Our liberalism insists on the moral imperative to care: for minorities, for immigrants, for LGBTQ+ individuals, for those left out, and for those whose rights exist on paper but not yet in practice." So what do we mean when we talk about liberal values? We mean democracy - not just as a system of voting, but as a culture of civic participation, ideological pluralism, and the peaceful contest of ideas. We mean civil rights and civil liberties, including the right to speak, to assemble, to protest, to live free from discrimination. We mean a commitment to the rule of law, to due process, to strong institutions, and to holding power accountable - especially our own. We also mean justice. The ability to live free means little without real protections for those who are different. Our liberalism insists on the moral imperative to care: for minorities, for immigrants, for LGBTQ+ individuals, for those left out, and for those whose rights exist on paper but not yet in practice. A liberal society should take pride in the progress it achieves - but it must never stop striving toward “a more perfect union.” "We believe that to stand for Israel without standing for liberalism is to abandon what has made the Zionist dream so powerful in the first place." That’s why we believe liberal values must be part of the conversation around Israel’s future. We believe that to stand for Israel without standing for liberalism is to abandon what has made the Zionist dream so powerful in the first place: a persecuted, haunted people returning to their ancestral homeland, reaching a hand for peace with the Arabs who have lived in the Holy Land for centuries, and building a thriving democracy. To stand for liberalism without recognizing the rights of the Jewish people to national self-determination - just like any other people - is to betray liberalism’s own promise of equality and freedom for all. Arabs, Ultra-Orthodox Jews in Jerusalem. Israel's national identity must be expressed in ways that are inclusive of non-Jews as well. We believe Israel can - and must - be both: a thriving liberal democracy and the nation-state of the Jewish people. This is not a contradiction. It is not a compromise. While we know some people feel otherwise - and we engage in respectful yet fierce debates with those who are liberal but not Zionist, or Zionist but not liberal - we believe liberal Zionism is true to the original Zionist vision, as Israel’s founders imagined it. Like any nation, Israel has the right to define itself through a national identity - in this case, a Jewish one - but that identity must be expressed in ways that are inclusive of non-Jews as well. The existence of a Jewish state should not, and does not, come at the expense of equal rights for Arab citizens, Druze, Christians, or anyone else. In fact, liberal Zionism demands those rights. Ze’ev Jabotinsky himself envisioned a future in which Jews and Arabs shared equal representation in Israel’s government. "Liberal Zionism is committed to a future where both peoples - Israelis and Palestinians - can live in dignity, liberty, security, and prosperity." The destruction in Gaza. The objectives of removing the threat of Hamas and bringing back the hostages does not mean we should not address the situation with empathy. Of course, we cannot speak of liberal values in Israel without addressing the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We acknowledge the deep pain and suffering experienced by Palestinians, especially in light of the War in Gaza. The loss, trauma, and displacement are real - and the objectives of removing the threat of Hamas and bringing back the hostages does not mean we should not address the situation with empathy and urgency. Liberal Zionism is committed to a future where both peoples - Israelis and Palestinians - can live in dignity, liberty, security, and prosperity. As Israelis we know it is hard to achieve, and pursuing that will have to be made with eyes wide open and feet to the ground, yet this is one of our principles. At LIBRAEL, we work to build a bridge between liberal Americans and liberal Israelis - especially at a time when that bridge is fraying, and so many believe they have nothing in common with those on the other side. We speak a language rooted in shared values: democracy, equality, justice, and freedom. We refuse to give up on either side of that bridge to extremists who say we must choose between our commitment to Israel and our commitment to liberalism. We believe we need both. We believe you can fight for a more just Israel because you love it, and we believe that liberal values are not foreign to Zionism - they are part of Israel’s founding DNA. It’s time we reclaimed that truth.

This article was written by Oz Bin Nun , founder and director of LIBRAEL's. The opinions expressed are his alone. Anti-war, pro-democracy protest in Jerusalem. We are asking tough questions about the viability of the war in Gaza When one seek to sharply criticize the conduct of the State of Israel in Gaza - a legitimate and even important thing to do - it is important to do so with responsibility for facts-based discourse and via solutions-driven approach, without slipping into simplistic messages that may sound right but actually does more harm than good. Here are four key takeaways to do that. 1. "One may believe that while removing the threat of Hamas and bringing back the hostages are completely legitimate objectives, yet how to achieve them is not clearly defined." The war is dragging on, its goals are unclear, and the moral cost is high. One can ask tough questions about the viability of the war in Gaza. Plenty of Israelis - and most of the liberals we speak with in America - believe that removing the threat of Hamas and bringing back the hostages are completely legitimate objectives, how to achieve them is not clearly defined, and if it is not clear it does not necessarily justify the enormous price - the severe harm to innocent civilians. Israel must explain, to itself and to the world, the rationale behind going into yet another ground maneuver. 2. "Acknowledging [Palestinian] pain is not "surrendering to Hamas", nor "Christian morality", but an understanding that war is hell." Even a just war does not exempt us from moral responsibility. Even if Israel is fighting for its security because of legitimate concerns, it must bravely face the outcome: innocent civilians, including children, are being harmed by actions on the ground. This pain is not “Hamas propaganda” - it is real, humane, and compels us to ask ourselves painful moral questions. Acknowledging that pain is not “surrendering to Hamas” or “Christian morality”, but an understanding that war is hell. 3. "Cruel and immoral political statements are being made by leaders calling for the intentional harm of civilians. These voices must not penetrate the IDF." The moral situation is horrible - and we must not blur the boundaries of right and wrong. The State of Israel is in a sharp moral dilemma: in the course of a necessary war for its defense, innocent people are being harmed as they are used as human shields. Amidst this, cruel and immoral political statements are being made by leaders calling for the intentional harm of civilians. We must not let these voices penetrate the IDF. We must protect not only the lives of our citizens but also the values that guide us, as citizens, as reservists, and as a society. 4. "Precisely out of deep concern for the country, we ask our fighters to make the right choices at every moral crossroads." We trust the soldiers, and doubt the leaders. We salute our soldiers, men and women, from across the political spectrum, who put their lives on the line day and night. Our trust in the political leadership is shaken - but not in those on the ground. Precisely out of deep concern for the country, we ask our fighters to make the right choices at every moral crossroads. We send you a hug, strength, an endless appreciation, and unwavering faith that you’ll do the right thing - even when we are asking difficult questions. "I know the soldiers, the commanders, the oversight systems. I see a real, almost impossible daily effort - to fight the enemy while making a sincere and painful attempt to avoid harming innocent people, including sometimes while risking ourselves." In conclusion: Since October 7, it has been clear that Hamas - with its ideology and brutality - cannot continue to exist as an active threat. Israel has a basic responsibility to defend not only civilian lives but the very idea that there is such a thing as a state that protects its citizens. But anyone who thinks that morality is measured solely by whether or not the goal is just ignores the depth of the questions we are living with. I do not trust the current government - not its integrity, not its judgment, and not the way it speaks to the public, including to me. Some of the statements made by ministers are not only immoral - they harm us from within, they corrupt the spirit that sustains us. And still, I see what’s happening on the ground. I know the soldiers, the commanders, the oversight systems. I see a real, almost impossible daily effort - to fight the enemy while making a sincere and painful attempt to avoid harming innocent people, including sometimes while risking ourselves. This position is painful, it is unimaginable, it is full of contradictions. But it is precisely from this difficulty that morality is revealed. I am not blind to what is happening around us. As the war continues - the temptation to generalize, to give in to sweeping hatred, grows. It’s natural, but it’s also dangerous. We must stop, again and again, and remind ourselves that a justified war does not absolve us of our humanity. That the righteousness of our cause does not justify blindness.

Newsletter to Congress: Top Five - April 29 - May 20: 1. Israel launched Operation Gideon’s Chariots, renewing ground operations in Gaza. The government says this is to pressure Hamas into negotiations, yet critics highlight the risk to hostages and civilians, and the lack of a clear strategy. 2. A key Netanyahu aide admitted receiving money from Qatar, raising national security concerns about Qatari intelligence activities in Israel. 3. President Trump’s decision to skip Israel on his Middle East trip drew little reaction but sparked concern, as his moves to exclude Israel from regional deals are seen by some as sidelining Israeli interests. 4. Two Israeli civilians working at the U.S. Embassy were shot by a man shouting “Free Palestine.” Israeli ministers blame left-wing political rhetoric, particularly from The Democrats chair Yair Golan, for fueling anti-Israel violence. 5. The Supreme Court ruled that PM Netanyahu cannot fire Shin Bet head Ronen Bar due to a conflict of interest. Coalition Whip called the government to ignore the court’s decision. Resuming the Fighting (during April and May) At the beginning of the month, Israel renewed its ground maneuver in Gaza by launching Operation Gideon’s Chariots. According to the government, the renewal came in response to Hamas’s refusal to agree to a ceasefire and the release of hostages. The government claims that increased military pressure will force Hamas back to the negotiating table and prevent it from rearming. At the same time, Israel continued negotiations with Hamas over a hostage deal, but it appears the negotiation team did not receive a full mandate from Prime Minister Netanyahu. Despite this, there is significant internal criticism in Israel over the renewed fighting, with the primary concern being the risk it poses to the lives of the hostages. Additionally, figures on the Israeli left - led by The Democrats party chair Yair Golan - spoke out sharply against the extensive harm being caused to civilians in Gaza, which they argue is futile and serves the government’s extremist agendas. Finally, there is criticism that, despite the objectives the government set for the operation, it lacks concrete plans for how to achieve them. Combined with statements by ministers calling for the conquest of Gaza and the de-prioritization of the hostages’ release as the war’s top goal, many Israelis do not view the return to war positively and continue to call for a ceasefire agreement. As part of preparations for the maneuver, the IDF announced a large-scale reserve call-up - a move that has sparked anger among reservists in Israel, who are collapsing under the burden, and has intensified criticism of the government for continuing to push a draft exemption law for the ultra-Orthodox. Democrats Chair Yair Golan. Claimed that "A normal country does not kill babies as a hobby", referring to statements by coalition member to fight indiscriminately in Gaza. Qatargate WhatsApp messages revealed in the "Qatargate" affair reinforce suspicions of deep involvement by officials in the Prime Minister’s Office - Ellie Feldstein and Jonathan Urich - as well as by Netanyahu himself, although no developments have yet been reported in the investigation of his role in the case. Additionally, Jonathan Urich admitted to receiving money from the Qatari government - claiming that Qatar is not an enemy state and that he is not a public servant, but rather employed directly by the Likud Party. Furthermore, a central suspicion now being investigated is that Qatari intelligence has been operating deep inside Israel for some time, engaging with many senior officials, and may even be running agents in Israel via its intelligence organizations. Reactions to Trump’s Visit President Trump’s visit to the Middle East was met with superficial indifference in Israel. While the media highlighted the president’s decision to “skip” Israel on his trip, the government and security establishment refrained from making public statements on the matter. The government and its supporters - known for backing President Trump - were quick to defend his decisions to reach an agreement with the Houthis that excludes Israel and to normalize the new regime in Syria. However, most remained silent in light of what is perceived as “leaving Israel behind,” especially amid growing demands by the administration to provide humanitarian aid to Gaza. Shooting in DC A Chicago man gunned down two Israeli civilians who worked at the U.S. Embassy in Washington, shouting “Free Palestine.” Israeli ministers blamed The Democrats chair Yair Golan, claiming that his warnings about Israeli actions killing civilians in Gaza incite violence against Israelis and Jews. Shin Bet Chief Firing The Israeli Supreme Court ruled that the firing of Ronen Bar, head of the Shin Bet, is illegal, since Netanyahu - whose advisors are under investigation for receiving money from Qatar - is in a conflict of interest. The coalition whip called on the government to ignore the Supreme Court ruling.

Newsletter to Congress: Top Five: 1. Shin Bet Leak & Qatargate: A senior Shin Bet official leaked classified documents to Minister Chikli, sparking political turmoil. The Shin Bet Chief claims Netanyahu pressured him to target protesters and bypass legal oversight, deepening rifts with the government. 2. Dismissal Struggles: Despite a Supreme Court freeze on Shin Bet Chief Ronen Bar's dismissal, top coalition members defy the ruling. Meanwhile, Justice Minister Levin seeks to remove the Attorney General but faces internal resistance and procedural delays. 3. Opposition Weakness: Despite public disapproval, the government stays intact. In light of damaging polls the coalition parties fear elections would hurt them politically, granting Netanyahu's bloc a fragile but stable majority. 4. The Rafah Incident: The IDF disciplined two officers for a strike that killed aid workers in Rafah. No evidence of foul play was found, reinforcing Israel’s claims of accountability and rapid response in wartime mistakes near Hamas targets. 5. Gaza War Status: A month into renewed fighting, the IDF has made tactical gains but lacks a clear strategic path. With Gaza split and Rafah encircled, critics say military pressure isn’t advancing negotiations or the return of hostages, and thousands of reservists issues public calls to end the war. Security Scandals (Qatargate, the Shin Bet Leak) A senior Shin Bet official leaked classified documents related to a Shin Bet investigation into the infiltration of Kahanist elements into the police. He passed them to Minister for Diaspora Affairs Amichai Chikli, who then gave them to pro-government journalist Amit Segal. The leaker was arrested on suspicion of leaking classified information. Coalition members claim blatant political interference by the Shin Bet Chief, even though the investigation was approved by the Prime Minister. Government supporters argue the leaker is a whistleblower, and Minister Chikli has requested that he be legally recognized as such. Regarding his attempted removal, Shin Bet Chief Ronen Bar wrote in a sworn affidavit to the court that Netanyahu asked him to use Shin Bet tools against protest activists. According to Bar, Netanyahu made these requests while asking the military secretary and stenographer to leave the room to prevent documentation. Bar also stated that Netanyahu told him that in the event of a constitutional crisis, Bar should obey the Prime Minister and not the Supreme Court. Furthermore, Netanyahu allegedly tried to pressure Bar into issuing a legal opinion that would prevent Netanyahu from testifying in court on security grounds. Bar also claimed he was surprised to learn of his removal from the hostages' negotiation team and that the campaign of incitement against him is related to the ongoing investigations and an institutional effort to spread conspiracies targeting him. Such claims only intensify the drift between Bar and the government, who seeks his removal (see next article). Regarding the Netanyahu trial, the main testimony resumed after the Passover recess but was interrupted several times due to the Prime Minister’s health-related constraints. In the Qatargate investigation, one of the main suspects, Yonatan Urich, was released to house arrest but is expected to be indicted for obstruction of justice. Dismissal of the Shin Bet Chief and Attorney General Following a Supreme Court order, the dismissal of Shin Bet Chief Ronen Bar has been frozen. Additionally, both the Prime Minister and the Shin Bet Chief have been granted the opportunity to submit affidavits to the court clarifying their positions. Despite this, and although the Prime Minister claims he will comply with the court’s order, several coalition Knesset members and government ministers - such as Finance Minister Smotrich - have called to ignore the Supreme Court ruling. They are even boycotting the Shin Bet Chief and refusing to work with him or attend meetings in which he is present. At the moment, it seems that the chances of a compromise between the government and the Shin Bet Chief are very slim, even though Bar declared he’ll leave office by June 15. At the same time, Justice Minister Levin wanted to initiate proceedings to dismiss the Attorney General after the Passover holiday. However, due to internal struggles within the coalition, he has failed to select a candidate to serve as the Knesset’s representative on the committee that will address the Attorney General’s dismissal. One way or another, the public discourse around the Shin Bet leak and the power struggle between the Shin Bet and the government has shifted the latter’s focus to the Shin Bet. A pro-democracy protest outside the Knesset. Weakness of the Opposition In the polls we share in this newsletter , we present a trend that’s lasted since the war began - Netanyahu and his government would fail to achieve a majority in the Knesset should elections take place. However, despite being so unpopular, the government remains stable. At first glance, it may seem surprising that the current Israeli government remains in power despite lacking broad public support. However, public disapproval does not automatically translate into a government’s collapse - especially when the political incentives of coalition members lead them to “hold the line.” Let’s begin with a key electoral fact: Had the Meretz party - perhaps the most emblematic Zionist left-wing party - not failed to pass the electoral threshold, the current government would have secured only 61 seats in the Knesset. But because Meretz did not cross the threshold, the coalition won 64 seats - just enough for a stable majority - and added four more seats as MK Gideon Sa’ar, who left the Likud in 2020 and vowed to oust Netanyahu, rejoined the coalition as the Foreign Minister, in a move that drew harsh criticism. In Israel, governments are rarely brought down by the opposition. Rather, they typically fall apart from within - when key players inside the coalition see an advantage in triggering elections. Today, no such player exists, and this is why elections are not in sight: most coalition members now understand that new elections would likely result in a worse outcome for them politically. Hence each party in the coalition, for its own reasons, knows that dissolving the government now would be politically damaging. This was true before October 7, and it is even more true in its aftermath The Ambulance Incident in Rafah On April 20, the IDF discharged an officer and punished another for their role in the tragic Rafah incident that killed medical workers in late March. That is even though that during the investigation, no evidence of malicious activity was found: the IDF forces were at the scene for only four minutes, so they did not have time to execute or bury the bodies of the aid workers they accidentally killed, as they were engaged in fighting against Hamas combatants. This is yet another proof that Israel, which fights to defend itself - nothing more, nothing less - is conducting thorough investigations and holding people accountable for mistakes to ensure such incidents do not happen again. The War - Major Developments in April A month into the resumed fighting, many Israelis are questioning what should happen for this war to end, and thousands of reservists from dozens of IDF units issued open letters calling the government’s bluff, declaring that this war is led by political motives, and arguing that the fighting does not help return the hostages or dismantle Hamas. In Operation “Might and Sword,” which began on March 18, the IDF focused on retaking key territories while selectively engaging Hamas fighters: first, it retook control of the Netzarim corridor, successfully splitting the Gaza Strip into northern and southern regions. On April 2, the IDF pushed into the Morag Corridor between Rafah and Khan Younis. As of April 7, Rafah was nearly completely surrounded, and the IDF ordered civilian evacuations to minimize casualties. In the northern area of the Gaza Strip, starting March 18, the IDF renewed airstrikes and ground assaults in the Jabalia refugee camp and issued evacuation orders for Beit Hanoun and the surrounding neighborhoods, effectively expanding the security zone around Gaza City. By controlling major areas of Gaza by mid-April, the IDF further eroded Hamas’ military assets and impeded their regrouping and resupply efforts. However, it seems that strategically, this operation fails to leverage territory or military pressure as a bargaining chip in future negotiations, which is the declared policy of the government. Israel’s Defense Minister, Israel Katz, stated in early April that the IDF would “seize large areas” of Gaza and annex them into Israeli “security zones,” hinting at maintaining a long-term presence until Hamas is decisively defeated. This indicates that Israel will use those “security zones” not only to negotiate for hostages but also as leverage for future security arrangements in the region. Although the tactical achievements are noticeable - even though four IDF soldiers were killed in combat - it’s not clear if they’ll promote or hinder another ceasefire or bring Israel closer to its strategic objective.

This article was written by Rotem Oreg-Kalisky , founder and director of LIBRAEL's. The opinions expressed are his alone. The Military Cemetery in Mount Herzl. Every family in Israel knows loss first hand - if not their own, then through a neighbor, a friend, a classmate. Since last year, Israel has seen 458 more fallen soldiers and murdered civilians. Children, parents, siblings, loved ones, friends - each a world lost. Each a reminder that our freedom, security, sovereignty, and democracy come at a heartbreaking human cost. Even as we bow our heads in grief, 59 Israelis remain in Hamas captivity in Gaza - tortured, starved, beaten. "As we are reunited with the memory of the fallen and share in the pain of their families, we must remember: their sacrifice must not be in vain." Memorial Day in Israel is not merely symbolic. It is deeply personal. Every family here knows loss first hand - if not their own, then through a neighbor, a friend, a classmate. The sirens do not echo through empty streets; they echo through heavy hearts. As we are reunited with the memory of the fallen and share in the pain of their families, we must remember: their sacrifice must not be in vain. Their sacrifice must enable a free, secure, prosperous, and peace-seeking life in Israel - the democratic nation-state of the Jewish people. This is not just a slogan. It is a responsibility passed down through generations. Tens of thousands of Israelis have paid the ultimate price for fulfilling the dream enshrined in our national anthem: to be a free people in our homeland. And now it is up to us to live up to their sacrifice - not only by surviving, but by building a nation worthy of the cost. Since October 7, every day is Memorial Day. October 7 destroyed our sense of safety and opened the millennia-old scars of hatred and persecution, a cruel reminder of the threats that Israelis and Jews still face. It also reminded all of us why Israel must remain not merely just, but strong; not just visionary, but vigilant. What, then, does this Memorial Day ask of us? "We must carry forward the dream for which our fallen died: a Jewish and democratic homeland that seeks peace, ensures justice, and provides opportunity and dignity for all its citizens." First, that we remember - fully. Not only remember how our fallen died, but what they lived for. I, for instance, think of Sagi Golan z”l, my classmate from college, who protested constantly against the judicial overhaul and in favor of equality and democracy - and on October 7, two weeks before his wedding, rushed into combat to save lives. He was killed during the fight in Be’eri, after saving dozens of civilians that were held hostage by Hamas. Sagi’s story is not only about bravery. It is about purpose. About believing in something larger than ourselves. But more important than merely remembering, this day demands that we act. It calls on us to protect Israel’s borders as well as its soul. We must carry forward the dream for which our fallen died: a Jewish and democratic homeland that seeks peace, ensures justice, and provides opportunity and dignity for all its citizens. That dream is far from being reality: we are paralyzed and scared. We are grieving and fearing. We are divided and exhausted. But we cannot allow pain to become hopelessness; or rage to eclipse our values. Strength is essential, but so is morality. Unity. Hope. Even now, Israelis are showing incredible resolve. Families of hostages, supported by the vast majority of Israelis, rise each day to campaign not just for their loved ones, but for our collective conscience. Communities open their doors to the tens of thousands of displaced Israelis, whose homes were destroyed. Soldiers return to the frontlines with clarity and conviction, putting their lives on the line for a greater cause - a better, safer state of Israel. So on this Memorial Day, we stand in silence. We delve into memory. We cry. But we must also recommit - to each other, to our ideals, to the future still ahead of us, and to the promise to do anything we can to make sure there will be no more fallen. May the memory of the fallen serve as a beacon for us all, strengthening our resolve to build a country that honors their legacy with the life we choose to lead. May their memory be a blessing - and a call.

A man in Tefillin standing in the destroyed Be'eri. Eight decades after the Holocaust, Jews are still under threat. Every year on Yom HaShoah, Israel’s Holocaust Remembrance Day, sirens wail across the country and life pauses. Cars stop mid-highway. Shoppers freeze in place. A country united in memory stands still for a moment of silence to honor the six million Jews murdered in the Holocaust. But remembrance is not enough. Since October 7, “Never again” has become a hollow slogan. It must be more than just a vow to remember - it must be a call to action. And today, more than ever, it must be understood as urgent. Never again is not just a phrase about the past. Never again is now. For centuries, the Jewish people were stateless, scattered, and scapegoated - expelled from lands, denied rights, and slaughtered in pogroms. The Holocaust was the horrific culmination of that long history of persecution: the systematic attempt to erase an entire people simply because of who they are. Out of that darkness, the modern State of Israel was born - a democratic homeland for the Jewish people, a place where Jews could live freely, defend themselves, and determine their own destiny, alongside non-Jews who live as equal citizens. Out of that darkness, the modern State of Israel was born - a democratic homeland for the Jewish people, a place where Jews could live freely, defend themselves, and determine their own destiny, alongside non-Jews who live as equal citizens. A place where we would never again be at the mercy of those who hate us. Before Israel is a fulfillment of Jewish sovereignty and self-determination, it is a shelter - a safe haven under the sky. Yet here we are, eight decades later, and Jews are still under threat. On the streets of too many American cities, and on too many American college campuses, we see denial - or even justification - of Jewish suffering, as well as calls to bring the Jewish homeland to an end (this is what “from the river to the sea” means). In Israel, Hamas and the Houthis fire rockets indiscriminately at civilians and celebrate the murder of Jewish families on October 7. Fifty-nine Israeli hostages are still held in captivity, denied basic human rights, starved, and beaten - bringing back to life the unspeakable realities of the Holocaust. American Hostage Edan Alexander, in a video released by Hamas. Fifty-nine Israeli hostages are still held in captivity, denied basic human rights, starved, and beaten - bringing back to life the unspeakable realities of the Holocaust. In far too many places, we hear silence. Worse, we hear excuses. “Never again” is being tested, and the world is failing the test. If you’ve ever wondered why Israelis are so obsessed with defense, this is why: the lesson of the Holocaust is not only compassion, but vigilance. Not only solidarity, but sovereignty. Israel exists because we learned, the hard way, that we must be able to protect our own. “Never again” does not mean “never again to Jews only.” It means never again to racism. Never again to hatred. Never again to ideologies that dehumanize, scapegoat, or seek the expulsion or destruction of an entire people - any people. However, let us be clear: “Never again” does not mean “never again to Jews only.” It is not a tribal slogan, but rather a universal promise. It means never again to racism. Never again to hatred. Never again to ideologies that dehumanize, scapegoat, or seek the expulsion or destruction of an entire people - any people. That is why we, as Jews and Israelis, must be on the front lines of standing against antisemitism, yes - but also against racism, Islamophobia, homophobia, and xenophobia in all forms. We must speak out against authoritarianism, against ethnic cleansing, against genocide - from Myanmar to Sudan to Ukraine - and we especially must call out those among us who advocate for the forcible expulsion of Palestinians. Because to honor the victims of the Holocaust is not only to remember how or why they died - it is to live by the lessons they left behind. So on this Yom HaShoah, as the sirens fade, let us not go back to business as usual. Let us remember that “Never again” is a call to conscience, a call to courage - and a call to act. Because never again is not just a memory. Never again is now.

This article was written by Omer, whose full name is kept in private for his security, who volunteers on LIBRAEL's content team. The opinions expressed are his alone. A view of a village in Southern Lebanon. " I was named after a friend of my father, who was killed in Lebanon. I could only hope I’d have a little more luck with this cursed land." I naively thought I would be traveling with a good friend to hike the Camino de Santiago in Portugal. Everything was ready - gear, bags, routes, accommodations. Nothing prepared me for the fact that, suddenly, the ground maneuver in Lebanon would begin after nearly a year of foreplay.   "It’s an unsettling feeling to enter someone else’s home and search through their things, even if those things are meant to kill me." Since October 7th, we had been stationed in Northern Israel, hearing day and night that we were being held in reserve for "the real thing" - a northern front. That was one of the reasons we hadn’t been deployed to Gaza for an entire year. Training, deployments along the fence, operations near the border - we basically held an operational line for a year. The unit I serve in is a reserve unit, an elite force that luckily trains more than most other reserve units.   And then it happened. A week before my flight, my commander called and said, "Pack your bags, we're going in. Wait for the order." On the eve of Sukkot, I got a call: I had to report in two days to our supply base, gear up, train - and fight.   This was my first war. My grandfather, a Holocaust survivor, fought in the Six-Day War and Yom Kippur War. I was named after a friend of my father, who was killed in Lebanon. I could only hope I’d have a little more luck with this cursed land.   We arrived at our base, geared up, and trained for several days. On the second holiday evening, we drove to Kiryat Shmona, and that was one of the most striking experiences of the war for me. I had been to Israel’s northernmost city several times before, but I had never seen it as a ghost town, bombed and abandoned. The only vehicles on the roads were military.   A destroyed home in Kiryat Shmona. " I had never seen it as a ghost town, bombed and abandoned." After a few hours of preparation, we got into the vehicles and crossed the border into Lebanon. In armored vehicles, in the middle of a village, the driver stopped, got out, and said, “Welcome to Lebanon.” In front of us was the view of Kiryat Shmona and its surroundings - except now, it was engulfed in the fires sparked by the rockets.   "Among Spider-Man dolls and teddy bears, there were Kalashnikov rifles and ammunition." I was in an abandoned village. The enemy had fled, but left behind everything. In many houses we entered, searching for weapons, we found them not only in expected places like hidden caches in basements or workrooms but also in children’s bedrooms. Among Spider-Man dolls and teddy bears, there were Kalashnikov rifles and ammunition. In almost every house, there were Hezbollah intelligence materials, as if the residents themselves were my enemies.   Me? I have nothing against them. As close as they are to me, they are just as distant. Close, almost like the Vietnamese - no connection, and yet it seems their only goal is to destroy me. In the village’s central square, which overlooks all of the Galilee which Hezbollah claims as its own, there was a monument with a map of Israel, where the Galilee was marked in a different color - to remind themselves: “One day, we will take this land.”   After staying in the village and moving from house to house to gather intelligence and weapons, we returned to Israel to prepare for our second entry into Lebanon. The mission: to destroy a Lebanese army building used for gathering intelligence on Metula, the northern Israeli town which had been bombarded during the war, with over half its homes damaged.   A destroyed home in Metula. "Over half its homes damaged". We entered in the dark of the night, climbing a hill through fields which apparently used to be agricultural - but now are minefields. We walked until the sunrise, and some hours after we arrived, the commanders told us to get away from the outer wall, as we had been discovered. We didn’t know how, we were very hidden and quiet, but later we discovered that who reported about us to the Lebanese was the UN, which we passed by their base. After that entry and the building’s destruction, the ceasefire was reached. From then on, we mostly conducted searches in villages - fortunately, without gunfire (a ceasefire, after all). In almost every house, the same routine: pictures of Iranian leaders Khamenei, Khomeini, and Soleimani, as well as Hezbollah Secretary General Nasrallah. Grenades and crates of ammunition in closets - even in children’s rooms. Small missiles in basements. It’s an unsettling feeling to enter someone else’s home and search through their things, even if those things are meant to kill me. Omer is a financial analyst, a mathematics and philosophy student, and a reservist in the IDF.