Newsletter to Congress: Top Five: 1. Shin Bet Leak & Qatargate: A senior Shin Bet official leaked classified documents to Minister Chikli, sparking political turmoil. The Shin Bet Chief claims Netanyahu pressured him to target protesters and bypass legal oversight, deepening rifts with the government. 2. Dismissal Struggles: Despite a Supreme Court freeze on Shin Bet Chief Ronen Bar's dismissal, top coalition members defy the ruling. Meanwhile, Justice Minister Levin seeks to remove the Attorney General but faces internal resistance and procedural delays. 3. Opposition Weakness: Despite public disapproval, the government stays intact. In light of damaging polls the coalition parties fear elections would hurt them politically, granting Netanyahu's bloc a fragile but stable majority. 4. The Rafah Incident: The IDF disciplined two officers for a strike that killed aid workers in Rafah. No evidence of foul play was found, reinforcing Israel’s claims of accountability and rapid response in wartime mistakes near Hamas targets. 5. Gaza War Status: A month into renewed fighting, the IDF has made tactical gains but lacks a clear strategic path. With Gaza split and Rafah encircled, critics say military pressure isn’t advancing negotiations or the return of hostages, and thousands of reservists issues public calls to end the war. Security Scandals (Qatargate, the Shin Bet Leak) A senior Shin Bet official leaked classified documents related to a Shin Bet investigation into the infiltration of Kahanist elements into the police. He passed them to Minister for Diaspora Affairs Amichai Chikli, who then gave them to pro-government journalist Amit Segal. The leaker was arrested on suspicion of leaking classified information. Coalition members claim blatant political interference by the Shin Bet Chief, even though the investigation was approved by the Prime Minister. Government supporters argue the leaker is a whistleblower, and Minister Chikli has requested that he be legally recognized as such. Regarding his attempted removal, Shin Bet Chief Ronen Bar wrote in a sworn affidavit to the court that Netanyahu asked him to use Shin Bet tools against protest activists. According to Bar, Netanyahu made these requests while asking the military secretary and stenographer to leave the room to prevent documentation. Bar also stated that Netanyahu told him that in the event of a constitutional crisis, Bar should obey the Prime Minister and not the Supreme Court. Furthermore, Netanyahu allegedly tried to pressure Bar into issuing a legal opinion that would prevent Netanyahu from testifying in court on security grounds. Bar also claimed he was surprised to learn of his removal from the hostages' negotiation team and that the campaign of incitement against him is related to the ongoing investigations and an institutional effort to spread conspiracies targeting him. Such claims only intensify the drift between Bar and the government, who seeks his removal (see next article). Regarding the Netanyahu trial, the main testimony resumed after the Passover recess but was interrupted several times due to the Prime Minister’s health-related constraints. In the Qatargate investigation, one of the main suspects, Yonatan Urich, was released to house arrest but is expected to be indicted for obstruction of justice. Dismissal of the Shin Bet Chief and Attorney General Following a Supreme Court order, the dismissal of Shin Bet Chief Ronen Bar has been frozen. Additionally, both the Prime Minister and the Shin Bet Chief have been granted the opportunity to submit affidavits to the court clarifying their positions. Despite this, and although the Prime Minister claims he will comply with the court’s order, several coalition Knesset members and government ministers - such as Finance Minister Smotrich - have called to ignore the Supreme Court ruling. They are even boycotting the Shin Bet Chief and refusing to work with him or attend meetings in which he is present. At the moment, it seems that the chances of a compromise between the government and the Shin Bet Chief are very slim, even though Bar declared he’ll leave office by June 15. At the same time, Justice Minister Levin wanted to initiate proceedings to dismiss the Attorney General after the Passover holiday. However, due to internal struggles within the coalition, he has failed to select a candidate to serve as the Knesset’s representative on the committee that will address the Attorney General’s dismissal. One way or another, the public discourse around the Shin Bet leak and the power struggle between the Shin Bet and the government has shifted the latter’s focus to the Shin Bet. A pro-democracy protest outside the Knesset. Weakness of the Opposition In the polls we share in this newsletter , we present a trend that’s lasted since the war began - Netanyahu and his government would fail to achieve a majority in the Knesset should elections take place. However, despite being so unpopular, the government remains stable. At first glance, it may seem surprising that the current Israeli government remains in power despite lacking broad public support. However, public disapproval does not automatically translate into a government’s collapse - especially when the political incentives of coalition members lead them to “hold the line.” Let’s begin with a key electoral fact: Had the Meretz party - perhaps the most emblematic Zionist left-wing party - not failed to pass the electoral threshold, the current government would have secured only 61 seats in the Knesset. But because Meretz did not cross the threshold, the coalition won 64 seats - just enough for a stable majority - and added four more seats as MK Gideon Sa’ar, who left the Likud in 2020 and vowed to oust Netanyahu, rejoined the coalition as the Foreign Minister, in a move that drew harsh criticism. In Israel, governments are rarely brought down by the opposition. Rather, they typically fall apart from within - when key players inside the coalition see an advantage in triggering elections. Today, no such player exists, and this is why elections are not in sight: most coalition members now understand that new elections would likely result in a worse outcome for them politically. Hence each party in the coalition, for its own reasons, knows that dissolving the government now would be politically damaging. This was true before October 7, and it is even more true in its aftermath The Ambulance Incident in Rafah On April 20, the IDF discharged an officer and punished another for their role in the tragic Rafah incident that killed medical workers in late March. That is even though that during the investigation, no evidence of malicious activity was found: the IDF forces were at the scene for only four minutes, so they did not have time to execute or bury the bodies of the aid workers they accidentally killed, as they were engaged in fighting against Hamas combatants. This is yet another proof that Israel, which fights to defend itself - nothing more, nothing less - is conducting thorough investigations and holding people accountable for mistakes to ensure such incidents do not happen again. The War - Major Developments in April A month into the resumed fighting, many Israelis are questioning what should happen for this war to end, and thousands of reservists from dozens of IDF units issued open letters calling the government’s bluff, declaring that this war is led by political motives, and arguing that the fighting does not help return the hostages or dismantle Hamas. In Operation “Might and Sword,” which began on March 18, the IDF focused on retaking key territories while selectively engaging Hamas fighters: first, it retook control of the Netzarim corridor, successfully splitting the Gaza Strip into northern and southern regions. On April 2, the IDF pushed into the Morag Corridor between Rafah and Khan Younis. As of April 7, Rafah was nearly completely surrounded, and the IDF ordered civilian evacuations to minimize casualties. In the northern area of the Gaza Strip, starting March 18, the IDF renewed airstrikes and ground assaults in the Jabalia refugee camp and issued evacuation orders for Beit Hanoun and the surrounding neighborhoods, effectively expanding the security zone around Gaza City. By controlling major areas of Gaza by mid-April, the IDF further eroded Hamas’ military assets and impeded their regrouping and resupply efforts. However, it seems that strategically, this operation fails to leverage territory or military pressure as a bargaining chip in future negotiations, which is the declared policy of the government. Israel’s Defense Minister, Israel Katz, stated in early April that the IDF would “seize large areas” of Gaza and annex them into Israeli “security zones,” hinting at maintaining a long-term presence until Hamas is decisively defeated. This indicates that Israel will use those “security zones” not only to negotiate for hostages but also as leverage for future security arrangements in the region. Although the tactical achievements are noticeable - even though four IDF soldiers were killed in combat - it’s not clear if they’ll promote or hinder another ceasefire or bring Israel closer to its strategic objective.

This article was written by Rotem Oreg-Kalisky , founder and director of LIBRAEL's. The opinions expressed are his alone. The Military Cemetery in Mount Herzl. Every family in Israel knows loss first hand - if not their own, then through a neighbor, a friend, a classmate. Since last year, Israel has seen 458 more fallen soldiers and murdered civilians. Children, parents, siblings, loved ones, friends - each a world lost. Each a reminder that our freedom, security, sovereignty, and democracy come at a heartbreaking human cost. Even as we bow our heads in grief, 59 Israelis remain in Hamas captivity in Gaza - tortured, starved, beaten. "As we are reunited with the memory of the fallen and share in the pain of their families, we must remember: their sacrifice must not be in vain." Memorial Day in Israel is not merely symbolic. It is deeply personal. Every family here knows loss first hand - if not their own, then through a neighbor, a friend, a classmate. The sirens do not echo through empty streets; they echo through heavy hearts. As we are reunited with the memory of the fallen and share in the pain of their families, we must remember: their sacrifice must not be in vain. Their sacrifice must enable a free, secure, prosperous, and peace-seeking life in Israel - the democratic nation-state of the Jewish people. This is not just a slogan. It is a responsibility passed down through generations. Tens of thousands of Israelis have paid the ultimate price for fulfilling the dream enshrined in our national anthem: to be a free people in our homeland. And now it is up to us to live up to their sacrifice - not only by surviving, but by building a nation worthy of the cost. Since October 7, every day is Memorial Day. October 7 destroyed our sense of safety and opened the millennia-old scars of hatred and persecution, a cruel reminder of the threats that Israelis and Jews still face. It also reminded all of us why Israel must remain not merely just, but strong; not just visionary, but vigilant. What, then, does this Memorial Day ask of us? "We must carry forward the dream for which our fallen died: a Jewish and democratic homeland that seeks peace, ensures justice, and provides opportunity and dignity for all its citizens." First, that we remember - fully. Not only remember how our fallen died, but what they lived for. I, for instance, think of Sagi Golan z”l, my classmate from college, who protested constantly against the judicial overhaul and in favor of equality and democracy - and on October 7, two weeks before his wedding, rushed into combat to save lives. He was killed during the fight in Be’eri, after saving dozens of civilians that were held hostage by Hamas. Sagi’s story is not only about bravery. It is about purpose. About believing in something larger than ourselves. But more important than merely remembering, this day demands that we act. It calls on us to protect Israel’s borders as well as its soul. We must carry forward the dream for which our fallen died: a Jewish and democratic homeland that seeks peace, ensures justice, and provides opportunity and dignity for all its citizens. That dream is far from being reality: we are paralyzed and scared. We are grieving and fearing. We are divided and exhausted. But we cannot allow pain to become hopelessness; or rage to eclipse our values. Strength is essential, but so is morality. Unity. Hope. Even now, Israelis are showing incredible resolve. Families of hostages, supported by the vast majority of Israelis, rise each day to campaign not just for their loved ones, but for our collective conscience. Communities open their doors to the tens of thousands of displaced Israelis, whose homes were destroyed. Soldiers return to the frontlines with clarity and conviction, putting their lives on the line for a greater cause - a better, safer state of Israel. So on this Memorial Day, we stand in silence. We delve into memory. We cry. But we must also recommit - to each other, to our ideals, to the future still ahead of us, and to the promise to do anything we can to make sure there will be no more fallen. May the memory of the fallen serve as a beacon for us all, strengthening our resolve to build a country that honors their legacy with the life we choose to lead. May their memory be a blessing - and a call.

A man in Tefillin standing in the destroyed Be'eri. Eight decades after the Holocaust, Jews are still under threat. Every year on Yom HaShoah, Israel’s Holocaust Remembrance Day, sirens wail across the country and life pauses. Cars stop mid-highway. Shoppers freeze in place. A country united in memory stands still for a moment of silence to honor the six million Jews murdered in the Holocaust. But remembrance is not enough. Since October 7, “Never again” has become a hollow slogan. It must be more than just a vow to remember - it must be a call to action. And today, more than ever, it must be understood as urgent. Never again is not just a phrase about the past. Never again is now. For centuries, the Jewish people were stateless, scattered, and scapegoated - expelled from lands, denied rights, and slaughtered in pogroms. The Holocaust was the horrific culmination of that long history of persecution: the systematic attempt to erase an entire people simply because of who they are. Out of that darkness, the modern State of Israel was born - a democratic homeland for the Jewish people, a place where Jews could live freely, defend themselves, and determine their own destiny, alongside non-Jews who live as equal citizens. Out of that darkness, the modern State of Israel was born - a democratic homeland for the Jewish people, a place where Jews could live freely, defend themselves, and determine their own destiny, alongside non-Jews who live as equal citizens. A place where we would never again be at the mercy of those who hate us. Before Israel is a fulfillment of Jewish sovereignty and self-determination, it is a shelter - a safe haven under the sky. Yet here we are, eight decades later, and Jews are still under threat. On the streets of too many American cities, and on too many American college campuses, we see denial - or even justification - of Jewish suffering, as well as calls to bring the Jewish homeland to an end (this is what “from the river to the sea” means). In Israel, Hamas and the Houthis fire rockets indiscriminately at civilians and celebrate the murder of Jewish families on October 7. Fifty-nine Israeli hostages are still held in captivity, denied basic human rights, starved, and beaten - bringing back to life the unspeakable realities of the Holocaust. American Hostage Edan Alexander, in a video released by Hamas. Fifty-nine Israeli hostages are still held in captivity, denied basic human rights, starved, and beaten - bringing back to life the unspeakable realities of the Holocaust. In far too many places, we hear silence. Worse, we hear excuses. “Never again” is being tested, and the world is failing the test. If you’ve ever wondered why Israelis are so obsessed with defense, this is why: the lesson of the Holocaust is not only compassion, but vigilance. Not only solidarity, but sovereignty. Israel exists because we learned, the hard way, that we must be able to protect our own. “Never again” does not mean “never again to Jews only.” It means never again to racism. Never again to hatred. Never again to ideologies that dehumanize, scapegoat, or seek the expulsion or destruction of an entire people - any people. However, let us be clear: “Never again” does not mean “never again to Jews only.” It is not a tribal slogan, but rather a universal promise. It means never again to racism. Never again to hatred. Never again to ideologies that dehumanize, scapegoat, or seek the expulsion or destruction of an entire people - any people. That is why we, as Jews and Israelis, must be on the front lines of standing against antisemitism, yes - but also against racism, Islamophobia, homophobia, and xenophobia in all forms. We must speak out against authoritarianism, against ethnic cleansing, against genocide - from Myanmar to Sudan to Ukraine - and we especially must call out those among us who advocate for the forcible expulsion of Palestinians. Because to honor the victims of the Holocaust is not only to remember how or why they died - it is to live by the lessons they left behind. So on this Yom HaShoah, as the sirens fade, let us not go back to business as usual. Let us remember that “Never again” is a call to conscience, a call to courage - and a call to act. Because never again is not just a memory. Never again is now.

This article was written by Omer, whose full name is kept in private for his security, who volunteers on LIBRAEL's content team. The opinions expressed are his alone. A view of a village in Southern Lebanon. " I was named after a friend of my father, who was killed in Lebanon. I could only hope I’d have a little more luck with this cursed land." I naively thought I would be traveling with a good friend to hike the Camino de Santiago in Portugal. Everything was ready - gear, bags, routes, accommodations. Nothing prepared me for the fact that, suddenly, the ground maneuver in Lebanon would begin after nearly a year of foreplay.   "It’s an unsettling feeling to enter someone else’s home and search through their things, even if those things are meant to kill me." Since October 7th, we had been stationed in Northern Israel, hearing day and night that we were being held in reserve for "the real thing" - a northern front. That was one of the reasons we hadn’t been deployed to Gaza for an entire year. Training, deployments along the fence, operations near the border - we basically held an operational line for a year. The unit I serve in is a reserve unit, an elite force that luckily trains more than most other reserve units.   And then it happened. A week before my flight, my commander called and said, "Pack your bags, we're going in. Wait for the order." On the eve of Sukkot, I got a call: I had to report in two days to our supply base, gear up, train - and fight.   This was my first war. My grandfather, a Holocaust survivor, fought in the Six-Day War and Yom Kippur War. I was named after a friend of my father, who was killed in Lebanon. I could only hope I’d have a little more luck with this cursed land.   We arrived at our base, geared up, and trained for several days. On the second holiday evening, we drove to Kiryat Shmona, and that was one of the most striking experiences of the war for me. I had been to Israel’s northernmost city several times before, but I had never seen it as a ghost town, bombed and abandoned. The only vehicles on the roads were military.   A destroyed home in Kiryat Shmona. " I had never seen it as a ghost town, bombed and abandoned." After a few hours of preparation, we got into the vehicles and crossed the border into Lebanon. In armored vehicles, in the middle of a village, the driver stopped, got out, and said, “Welcome to Lebanon.” In front of us was the view of Kiryat Shmona and its surroundings - except now, it was engulfed in the fires sparked by the rockets.   "Among Spider-Man dolls and teddy bears, there were Kalashnikov rifles and ammunition." I was in an abandoned village. The enemy had fled, but left behind everything. In many houses we entered, searching for weapons, we found them not only in expected places like hidden caches in basements or workrooms but also in children’s bedrooms. Among Spider-Man dolls and teddy bears, there were Kalashnikov rifles and ammunition. In almost every house, there were Hezbollah intelligence materials, as if the residents themselves were my enemies.   Me? I have nothing against them. As close as they are to me, they are just as distant. Close, almost like the Vietnamese - no connection, and yet it seems their only goal is to destroy me. In the village’s central square, which overlooks all of the Galilee which Hezbollah claims as its own, there was a monument with a map of Israel, where the Galilee was marked in a different color - to remind themselves: “One day, we will take this land.”   After staying in the village and moving from house to house to gather intelligence and weapons, we returned to Israel to prepare for our second entry into Lebanon. The mission: to destroy a Lebanese army building used for gathering intelligence on Metula, the northern Israeli town which had been bombarded during the war, with over half its homes damaged.   A destroyed home in Metula. "Over half its homes damaged". We entered in the dark of the night, climbing a hill through fields which apparently used to be agricultural - but now are minefields. We walked until the sunrise, and some hours after we arrived, the commanders told us to get away from the outer wall, as we had been discovered. We didn’t know how, we were very hidden and quiet, but later we discovered that who reported about us to the Lebanese was the UN, which we passed by their base. After that entry and the building’s destruction, the ceasefire was reached. From then on, we mostly conducted searches in villages - fortunately, without gunfire (a ceasefire, after all). In almost every house, the same routine: pictures of Iranian leaders Khamenei, Khomeini, and Soleimani, as well as Hezbollah Secretary General Nasrallah. Grenades and crates of ammunition in closets - even in children’s rooms. Small missiles in basements. It’s an unsettling feeling to enter someone else’s home and search through their things, even if those things are meant to kill me. Omer is a financial analyst, a mathematics and philosophy student, and a reservist in the IDF.

This article was written by Oz Bin Nun , head of LIBRAEL's content team. The opinions expressed are his alone. The pro-choice protest in Wisconsin. " Alongside the chants for abortion rights, there were other signs." When the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade , my wife and I joined a protest in Wisconsin to stand up for women’s rights over their bodies. But during the march, something changed in me. Alongside the chants for abortion rights, there were other signs - against Zionism, against capitalism, and even against the U.S. itself. I understand and respect the idea of intersectionality, but in real time - when the rights of tens of millions of women were being taken away - these messages not only strayed from the main issue, they created a sense of alienation. They made me, and many others, feel that there was no room in this just struggle for anyone who didn’t hold the full package of “correct” views. I understand and respect the idea of intersectionality, but in real time these messages not only strayed from the main issue, they created a sense of alienation. Instead of a broad front that invites partnership, we got an atmosphere of ideological purity tests. This isn’t just an aesthetic or rhetorical issue - it’s a strategic one. To secure political victories that can bring about much-needed change, our liberal brothers and sisters in the U.S. must broaden the ranks. But too often, they seem preoccupied with ideological purity tests instead of building political power. The attempt to ensure “uniformity” causes harm - it pushes away moderate allies, deters potential supporters, and blocks the necessary expansion to win elections. In this way, the pursuit of justice leads to political disappointment, time and again. Since October 7th, this phenomenon has only intensified. A small, unrepresentative group has taken over liberal discourse - creating a false impression that they speak for the entire camp. This group tries to set the tone, the language, and the boundaries of who is in and who is out. The result: background noise from a minority that claims to speak for the majority, and a dynamic of exclusion instead of inclusion. That’s how someone like me - who believes in equality, justice, human rights, and the pursuit of peace - finds himself “outside the camp” just because I believe Israel has the right to defend itself. That’s how someone like me - who believes in equality, justice, human rights, and the pursuit of peace - finds himself “outside the camp” just because I believe Israel has the right to defend itself. It’s important to understand: the problem isn’t just with the content, but with the pattern itself - shrinking the camp instead of expanding it, prioritizing ideological “quality” over the “quantity” needed to win. The answer should not be a vague call for “open dialogue,” and there sure are views that have no place in liberal discourse (such as support for the expulsion of Gazans). But we need a deeper understanding that pushing out allies, even if they “aren’t 100% on the same page with us,” harms the entire liberal effort. To overcome this, we must adopt a different kind of politics, one that recognizes the value of everyone who identifies with basic liberal values - human rights, equality, and peace - and gives them a real place inside the “big tent” of the struggle. Facing a populist, unpopular, sectarian, far-right government, the Israeli public launched a determined, consistent, diverse, and cross-sector struggle - and for that reason, in many ways, it is effective In this context, Israel’s liberal protest movement is not just an interesting case - it’s a test case that we can all learn from. Facing a populist, unpopular, sectarian, far-right government, the Israeli public launched a determined, consistent, diverse, and cross-sector struggle - and for that reason, in many ways, it is effective. A pro-democracy protest outside the Knesset. My fellow American liberals, you can learn a lot from us: how to build a truly broad camp, how to deal with moral dilemmas under pressure, and how to uphold moral principles from a place of inclusion - not exclusion. If you do this, you will win twice: you’ll choose to embrace those who share your values, and gain practical tools to build a protest that can truly change reality. Oz Bin-Nun is a social justice activist and a philosophy and psychology student. He leads LIBRAEL's content team.

This newsletter was sent to LIBRAEL's mailing list. Dear friends, The story of Passover inspired the notion of freedom for billions of people. Not as a given, but as a hard-earned right. A struggle inspiring billions - Jewish and not - around the world. This year, that notion feels especially heavy. As we gather around our Seder tables, 59 Israeli hostages are still held captive in Gaza. For eighteen months they are tortured, abused, and denied basic freedoms. Their absence is an open wound in every Israeli family, and a painful reminder that true liberation is still far from reach. Countless families in Israel will gather around a Seder table with an empty chair - not for the prophet Elijah, but for their loved ones who were murdered on October 7 or died in the aftermath of the war. Too many families will have the Seder outside of their homes, as they can’t return because it is still not safe to live in the destroyed Gaza Periphery or in the Galilee. At the same time, countless Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank face their own crushing realities, stripped of security and dignity. This is not the vision of freedom we long for - on either side of the border. Or on either side of the political map. At LIBRAEL , our work was born from a fear that Israel would become a wedge issue. A political football rather than a source of shared values. We knew there was another Zionist story to tell, other than “Support Israel and Shut Up.” A story that’s liberal, committed to justice and peace, and Zionist  - fulfilling the Jewish people’s right to live free and secure. Crossing the Red Sea. We draw strength from the Exodus story because it insists that freedom is possible - even when it feels distant. Passover reminds us of the power of storytelling - not just to remember, but to renew. We draw strength from the Exodus story because it insists that freedom is possible - even when it feels distant. That’s the spirit we carry in our work. If you’re looking for deeper reflection this holiday, we invite you to explore our content page . Two recent pieces, written by two of LIBRAEL ’s volunteers, speak to this moment with particular clarity: Omer shares personal testimonies from the war in Lebanon, capturing the heartbreaking realities and cost of war; And Oz dives into the liberal protest movement in Israel - an inclusive movement that is still pushing, relentlessly, for a democratic, Jewish, and equal society. We wish you a meaningful Passover. May this holiday bring healing, and may our shared longing for liberation lead us all toward a more just and peaceful future. Am Israel Chai. Slava Ukraini. God Bless America. With respect, Rotem Oreg-Kalisky Founder and Director

Newsletter to Congress: Full Report:  The Judicial Overhaul In recent weeks, legislation to reform Israel’s judicial system has advanced, particularly the law to change the Judicial Selection Committee. On March 26, the Knesset approved an amendment, declaring that the committee will now consist of three judges, four coalition representatives (the Minister of Justice, another minister, an MK, and a legal expert chosen by the coalition), and two opposition representatives (an MK and a legal expert chosen by the opposition). The appointment of a Supreme Court judge will require the approval of at least one coalition representative and one opposition representative, effectively granting both sides veto power. On the surface, this appears to be a balanced proposal that maintains a check against government power. However, opponents argue that strengthening political influence in the committee will lead to increased politicization of the judiciary. They also warn of incentives for both the coalition and the opposition to appoint "radical" judges instead of moderates. Much of the criticism has focused on the legislative process itself, taking place during wartime without dialogue with the opposition. Moreover, former minister Yizhar Shai, one of the amendment’s initiators and an opposition-affiliated figure, withdrew his support for the amendment. Meanwhile, the government continues to avoid drafting ultra-Orthodox men into the military, leading to an increased burden on reservists. A pro-democracy protest outside the Knesset. Renewed Fighting in Gaza, Lebanon Despite the resumption of hostilities in Gaza, the fighting remains relatively low-intensity, without a large-scale ground operation. However, the IDF has taken control of the Philadelphi Corridor (the Gaza-Egypt border), the Beit Hanoun-Beit Lahia line in northern Gaza, and half of the Netzarim Corridor (separating Northern and Central Gaza Strip). While the IDF has informed the government that it has the capability to fully reconquer Gaza and impose military rule, reserve duty attendance rates are steadily declining, with some units seeing attendance drop below 50%. This presents a significant obstacle to any major ground operation. Reasons for the decline include over-deployment of soldiers (with some reservists serving over 200 and even 300 reserve days per year), resentment toward the government over the ultra-Orthodox draft exemption, the revival of judicial reforms, and uncertainty about the war’s objectives and their feasibility. In response to the fighting, indirect negotiations between Hamas and Israel have resumed. Hamas has proposed releasing additional hostages - reportedly five alive and between five to ten deceased - in exchange for a 50-day ceasefire. Israel has responded with a counterproposal, demanding ten living hostages, to which Hamas refused. Meanwhile, anti-Hamas protests involving hundreds of Palestinians have erupted in Gaza, though they have yet to yield any significant change. In the north, Israel has resumed strikes deep into Lebanon, including in Hezbollah’s stronghold of the Dahieh district in Beirut, in response to rocket fire from Lebanon, which violates the ceasefire. In Jenin, in the West Bank, the IDF is focusing operations on the refugee camp east of the city, which in recent years has become a hub for armed groups, while the city itself maintains as much normalcy as possible. In addition, IDF Chief of General Staff Eyal Zamir, personally led the inquiries on extremist settler violence in the West Bank, to make sure the perpetrators are being held accountable Polls Amid the budget’s approval and the return of judicial overhaul legislation, the coalition continues to weaken in polls . It now stands at 50 seats, compared to 61 for the opposition bloc, with Arab parties holding nine seats. Additionally, polls indicate that Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich’s Religious Zionism party would fail to pass the electoral threshold in the next elections, leaving it out of the Knesset. If former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett decides to run - which he is expected to, since he registered a new party under the name "Bennet 2026" - the coalition’s standing would get smaller even further. In this scenario, coalition parties would drop to 44 seats, while opposition parties (including Bennet) would rise to 67, with Arab parties maintaining their nine seats. Beyond seat distribution, polling also reveals widespread dissatisfaction with Prime Minister Netanyahu: 66% of respondents disapprove of his performance, while only 31% approve. 69% believe the government is unfair toward reservists (54% of Likud voters). 64% believe the government is unfair toward hostage families (44% of Likud voters). 64% believe the government is unfair in supporting war-affected businesses. 59% believe the government is unfair in assisting displaced families and rehabilitating affected communities. 58% believe the government is unfair in handling the hostage issue.

This Op-ed was written by LIBRAEL's founder and director Rotem Oreg, and originally published on the Jerusalem Post . LIBRAEL's definition of Liberal Zionism. The Gaza war has brought devastation and pain to countless lives in Israel and in Gaza alike, as wars always do. But for one group, the conflict ignited an identity struggle as well: liberal Americans who have made Israel their home. Torn between their liberal ideals (including relations with like-minded groups in America) and their deep-rooted connection to Israel (and the pain of Israelis and Jews), they got caught in a crossfire, as both of their peer groups demanded them to “take sides.” The dilemma: Liberal values vs. supporting Israel The majority of American Jews are liberal – and despite speculations that the rising antisemitism in America will make them move to the right, 78% of them voted for former vice president Kamala Harris. For many of them, liberal values – pursuing peace, promoting justice, protecting human rights – are not negotiable. These principles are integral to who they are and often are derived from their Jewish identity. The choice of many liberal American Jews to live in Israel shows equally powerful commitment – not just believing in the Jewish people’s right to have their own nation-state but also being willing to take a part in its building. To many of them, Israel is more than a home – it is a part of their identity. This is true even – one might say, especially – as Israelis elect governments that are as far from liberal values as possible. The Gaza war has intensified the challenge of maintaining both commitments. Liberal Americans in Israel are not blind to the tragic human toll in Gaza: civilian casualties, displacement, and destruction. Many of them, like many Israelis, believe that the war is taking too long, has lost its original purposes of bringing back the hostages and removing the threat of Hamas, and is now serving political needs. On the other hand, like all Israelis and Jews around the world, they experience the nightmarish reality of enemy rockets targeting Israeli cities; they fear for Israeli soldiers and for the remaining hostages who are still in Hamas’s hands; and they learn from their friends and families in America about the frightening rise in antisemitism. Most liberal Americans have never been presented with a compelling, up-to-date pro-Israel progressive narrative The ‘big lie’: Liberalism and Zionism are mutually exclusive This isn’t new; it’s a new manifestation of a broader problem. Over the years, a “big lie” has taken root in the American Left, suggesting that support for Israel and liberal values are like oil and water – they just don’t go together. In some progressive circles, Israel is often cast as the oppressor, thus inherently opposed to liberal values. In these spaces, Zionism is equated with colonialism, and expressing support for Israel can result in accusations of supporting its policies. This binary framing is both false and dangerous. It ignores the fact that one can be a wholehearted patriot and believe that one’s beloved country is going in the wrong direction (as most Democrats in America feel right now). In the Israeli case, it erases the lived experiences of living in a country grappling with profound challenges and paying enormous prices, as we all witnessed on October 7 and since. It disregards the aspirations of Israelis who strive for life alongside the Palestinians – yes, even after October 7 – while living under constant threat. And it marginalizes those – like pro-Israel liberal Americans – who refuse to accept that their values must come at the expense of their identity or vice versa. “Liberal Zionists” – people who support Israel’s right to exist and defend itself while also supporting Palestinian self-determination and human rights. Needed: A pro-Israel progressive vision The heart of the problem lies in the fact that there is a vacuum: Most liberal Americans have never been presented with a compelling, up-to-date pro-Israel progressive narrative (and no, I’m not talking about the “Start-Up Nation, cherry tomatoes, only democracy in the Middle East” narrative). For years, much of the discourse around Israel in the United States has been dominated by one-sided narratives. On one side, there’s a hawkish narrative that prioritizes security above all, sometimes ignoring Palestinian suffering, and protects Israel at all costs while putting all the blame on “the other side, ” whether that’s the Palestinians, the UN, the international media, or even the Israeli Left. On the other side, there’s a radical narrative that puts all the blame on Israel, holding it accountable to unequivocal moral standards in a way that ignores its legitimate security concerns, and sometimes even describing its existence as the nation-state of the Jewish people to a historical error that must be amended. This binary excludes those we in LIBRAEL refer to as “liberal Zionists” – people who support Israel’s right to exist and defend itself while also supporting Palestinian self-determination and human rights. According to our definition of Zionism, which is based on the writings of Israel’s founding fathers, Zionism is the belief that the Jewish people – just like any other people – deserve to live in a democratic, secure, and prosperous nation-state. Liberal Zionism is merely the belief that Zionism is not at the expense of anyone else. Ze'ev Jabotinsky (left) and Theodor Herzl, Israel's founding fathers. LIBRAEL's definition of Zionism is based on their writings. Liberal Americans living in Israel are usually liberal Zionists, even if they don’t think of themselves as such. They would not have chosen Israel to be their home had they believed it goes against everything they believe in; they would not have abandoned their commitment to peace, justice, and human rights had they thought those jeopardized Israel’s security. Yet, like other liberal Zionists in the US, their voices are often lost in the cacophony of extremism, leaving them isolated, misunderstood, and even gaslighted: “You can be either a liberal or a Zionist, not both.” Reject the notion that supporting Israel requires turning a blind eye to its flaws or that struggling for liberal values means jeopardizing Israel’s security. The personal toll Living at this intersection of identities comes at a price. Liberal Americans in Israel face criticism from all sides. Back in the US, their liberal allies sometimes label them as complicit in Israel’s actions – thus, allegedly, supporting Israel’s policy and government – simply for choosing to live there. Meanwhile, in Israel their progressive stances on issues like settlement expansion, hope for peace with the Palestinians, and the mounting death toll in Gaza make them targets of criticism and even hostility. Liberal Americans who live in Israel – just like their counterparts overseas – are not willing to abandon either of their identity components. They reject the notion that supporting Israel requires turning a blind eye to its flaws or that struggling for liberal values means jeopardizing Israel’s security. But in a world that increasingly demands ideological purity, their position is a lonely one. Luckily, that’s going to change. Toward a new narrative To address this struggle, we need to dismantle the “big lie” and introduce a new narrative – one that acknowledges Israel’s challenging reality and affirms that liberal values and Zionism can coexist. This narrative must begin by recognizing that Israel is flawed – like all other democracies – but not to hide behind that. Instead, it should emphasize the ongoing efforts of Israelis toward making Israel a better place, among which are the efforts to uphold ideals of human rights and justice under extraordinary circumstances, the likes of which no other Western country faces. Even in the post-October 7 reality, such a liberal Zionist narrative must also acknowledge the need for a secure, just, and lasting resolution to the conflict, which must be pursued with caution, eyes wide open, and feet on the ground. This is crucial: we can shout “They don’t want peace” all we want, but no one in liberal America will be convinced. No American liberal will believe “Israel wants peace” if we ignore the other side; and no American liberal will even consider thinking about themselves as Zionists merely by mentioning the hi-tech industry or the thriving LGBTQ+ community. Such a narrative would dismantle the binaries that dominate the Israel discourse, first by offering a space where liberal Americans who support Israel can feel at home both in their values and in their support for Israel. Next, it would empower them to advocate for security, peace, and justice, without fear of being branded as traitors. The larger challenge The Gaza war exposed the ideological struggles of liberal Americans in Israel. But this is not just a personal struggle; it’s a mere example of a larger challenge, affecting the future of the US-Israel relations. Bridging the divide between liberal values and support for Israel is essential, as we must keep Israel a bipartisan issue in the United States. Liberal Americans in Israel are not giving up on their liberalism, nor are they giving up on Israel. They are living proof that the “big lie” is just that – a lie.

Newsletter to Congress: Top 4: The Hostage Deal: Israel and Hamas agreed on a two-phase ceasefire deal for the release of Israeli hostages in exchange for Palestinian prisoners. IDF Chief of General Staff Resignation: Herzi Halevi announced his resignation, citing failures in preparing for the October 7 attack, with discussions on his successor underway. West Bank Unrest and Jenin Operation: The IDF’s operation in Jenin dismantled terror infrastructure, while settler violence in Al-Funduq escalated tensions. Ben-Gvir Resignation: Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir resigned over the ceasefire deal, leaving the coalition with a narrow majority but open to rejoining if fighting resumes. Full Report:  1. The Hostage Deal: A ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas was signed, which includes a deal for the return of Israeli hostages from Gaza. The agreement is divided into two phases: in the first phase, lasting 42 days, children, women, the elderly, the injured, and the female observers soldiers from Nahal Oz (a total of 33 hostages) are to be released - seven of whom have been released so far.  In the second phase, all remaining hostages are to be freed. In exchange, Israel will release hundreds of prisoners, some of whom were convicted of life sentences for violent activities that claimed the lives of many Israelis. The deal was mediated by the outgoing Biden administration and the incoming Trump administration and despite criticism in the far right enjoys the support of most Israelis. The released hostages Liri Albeg (top right), Karina Ariev (top left), Naama Levy (bottom left), and Daniella Gilboa (bottom right) united with their parent after 477 days. Their parents mentioned they were starved, held in solitude, and were not even allowed to cry. 2. Resignation of the IDF Chief of General Staff and Successor Discussions: IDF Chief of General Staff Herzi Halevi announced on Tuesday that he would end his tenure at the beginning of March, citing failures in warning and preparing the military for the October 7 attack. Halevi is the highest-ranking Israeli official to take responsibility for the failure and act on it, though his resignation comes over 15 months after the incident. Defense Minister Israel Katz, a political ally of Prime Minister Netanyahu, is expected to appoint Halevi's replacement in the coming weeks. Katz has interviewed three candidates: outgoing Deputy Chief of Staff Amir Baram, who criticized Halevi for the war’s stagnation; Defense Ministry Director-General Eyal Zamir, a former military secretary to Netanyahu considered close to him; and former Ground Forces Commander Tamir Yadai, whose appointment is seen as unlikely. 3. Unrest in the West Bank and the Operation in Jenin:  The IDF launched "Operation Iron Wall" in the city of Jenin in Samaria to dismantle Hamas  infrastructure. Over 15 operatives from various organizations, including Hamas and Islamic Jihad, were killed, and significant military equipment intended for use by the groups was seized. However, a two-year-old girl was reportedly injured during clashes with militants and tragically died from her wounds. The IDF, which claims it only targeted enemy combatants, is investigating the incident. Meanwhile, dozens of settlers stormed the Palestinian village of Al-Funduq in Samaria, reportedly burning buildings, vehicles, and agricultural equipment. Police and soldiers called to the scene to stop the violence were attacked by settlers with tear gas and responded with live fire, resulting in two settlers being injured. 4. Ben-Gvir Resignation: The ceasefire agreement caused divisions within the Israeli coalition and government. Ministers Itamar Ben-Gvir, Bezalel Smotrich, and their parties announced their opposition to any deal involving a ceasefire and halting the fighting in Gaza, even threatening to resign if such an agreement was signed. After the ceasefire and hostage deal were finalized, Ben-Gvir announced that he and his party (Otzma Yehudit) were resigning from the government and coalition, leaving the coalition with 63 Knesset seats but clarifying they would not support efforts to dissolve the government and enact election.  Ben-Gvir stated that he would be willing to return to the government if it decided to resume fighting in Gaza. For now, the three ministerial portfolios previously held by Otzma Yehudit (National Security, Heritage, and Development of the Negev and Galilee) have been temporarily transferred to Tourism Minister Haim Katz of the Likud, in case Otzma Yehudit decides to rejoin the government.

Newsletter to Congress: Top 4: Hostage Deal on the Brink: Violations, Delays, and Bombings Keep the Deal Fragile Trump’s Plan Gains Israeli Support, Just As Any Other Plan Would Poll: Netanyahu Still Loses Re-election, Bennett Keeps Power; Vast Backing for Hostage Deal "Qatargate" Scandal: Netanyahu Aides Accused of Promoting Qatar’s Interests Full Report:  1. The Hostage Deal on the Verge of Crisis Over the past month, the hostage release and ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas have faced a crisis. Statements by President Donald Trump, warning that "hell will break loose" unless all hostages are released, were seen by the Israeli right as an opportunity to resume the fighting, jeopardizing the continuation of releases. However, the fighting did not ultimately resume. Hamas' violations - particularly the return of an unidentified Palestinian woman's body instead of that of Israeli hostage Shiri Bibas, as well as the bombing of five buses in central Israel (which by luck exploded at night) - were perceived as breaches of the agreement. In response, Israel announced it would delay the release of the next group of Palestinian prisoners, which Hamas claims is a violation, though it has still refrained from escalating the situation further. In the past month, 18 Israeli hostages and five Thai hostages were released alive. Additionally, the bodies of eight hostages who were kidnapped alive on October 7 but later murdered by Hamas were returned, including 83-year-old peace activist Oded Lifshitz, 32-year-old educator Shiri Bibas, and her two children—four-year-old Ariel and nine-month-old Kfir. Left to right: Oded Lifshitz, Ariel Bibas, Kfir Bibas, and Shiri Bibas RIP. Autopsy showed that Ariel and Kfir were strangled to death in November 2023. 2. President Trump's Gaza Vision On the surface, the Israeli public's reaction to President Donald Trump’s transfer idea has been overwhelmingly positive. Polls show broad support across the political spectrum, reaching up to 72% approval. Positive reactions from right-wing politicians further reinforce this perception. However, two aspects need to be addressed. First, the Israeli public is desperate for any solution. The recurring cycles of violence and their human cost have created a strong desire for decisive action that will "make it stop." This sentiment is reinforced by the growing opposition to “managing the conflict” in the same manner as before—an approach associated with Benjamin Netanyahu. Therefore, Israeli support for Trump’s plan can be understood as a desire for an active and sustainable resolution, as well as opposition to the current status quo. This is also reflected in the willingness of 60% of Israelis (as indicated in an Accord Institute poll) to engage in a political process that could lead to a two-state solution. While the two approaches may seem opposed, both stem from Israelis’ desire for a solution. The second point to consider is how Trump’s decisiveness affects Netanyahu. On one hand, it strengthens Netanyahu's image as a statesman, allowing him to make promises of deporting Palestinians to his political base. On the other hand, it casts him as a hesitant leader compared to Trump’s proactive and even aggressive approach. We at LIBRAEL were very clear: anyone who wants to leave Gaza should be allowed to, but forcibly displacing people is both morally deplorable and practically impossible. 3. Polls and Public Opinion The current coalition has seen a slight rise in a recent election poll , now standing at 52 seats. Likud remains the largest party, polling between 22 and 25 seats. However, projections still indicate that if elections were held today, the anti-Netanyahu opposition bloc would win and form a government. According to the polls, opposition parties (Yisrael Beiteinu, Yesh Atid, National Unity, the Democrats, and Ra'am) would secure 62 seats, coalition parties 52, and the Arab party Hadash-Ta’al 6 seats. If former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett were to form a new party, he would receive the highest number of seats (24, compared to Likud’s 21 under Netanyahu). However, most of his support would come at the expense of opposition parties - his political anti-Netanyahu allies. In a scenario where Bennett enters the race, Yisrael Beiteinu would drop from 16 seats to 10, the Democrats from 12 to 9, the National Unity Party from 17 to 9, and Yesh Atid from 13 to 10. Additionally, the poll shows overwhelming public support (70%) for continuing the hostage deal, with a preference for the next phase of releases to occur in a single round. 4. "Qatargate" In recent months, revelations have emerged about three senior advisers to Prime Minister Netanyahu who provided public relations services to companies promoting Qatar’s interests. The most notable figure among them is Ari Feldstein, Netanyahu’s spokesperson for military affairs, who is suspected of leaking classified documents. (this comes after he was hired for the role without a security clearance.) Alongside him, spokesmen Yonatan Urich and Srulik Einhorn operated, via private firms, a campaign aimed at improving Qatar’s global image and downplaying its support for terrorism. The prime minister and his advisers deny the allegations. This controversy unfolds amid harsh criticism in Israel against Qatar for funding Hamas (with Netanyahu’s approval and encouragement) and hosting the group’s senior leadership. The Shin Bet is expected to launch an investigation, though this move has been met with attacks from the coalition, which claims the agency has a conflict of interest due to its role in the failures of October 7.

Newsletter to Congress: Top 4: 1. Netanyahu and Levin moves to dismiss Attorney General Baharav-Miara and Shin Bet Chief Bar, in an attempt to remove checks on their power and avoiding accountability for corruption. 2. Israel is reacting rather than leading in Gaza hostage negotiations, with delays suggesting hostage recovery is not the government’s top priority, contrary to the people's will. 3. Israel balances force and diplomacy - maintaining a hardline stance in Syria while signaling openness to negotiations and normalization with Lebanon. 4. New IDF Chief Eyal Zamir declaring 2025 “a year of war” and implied the government must draft Ultra-Orthodox men. Full Report:  1. Dismissal of the Attorney General and Head of Shin Bet Justice Minister Yariv Levin has resumed promoting the judicial overhaul laws that sparked massive protests across Israel in recent years. Levin’s major decision is his announcement earlier this month that he has initiated dismissal proceedings against Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara, claiming her conduct toward the government is “adversarial” and “inappropriate.” This move has drawn widespread criticism from the opposition and protest groups, who argue that Levin aims to remove any checks and balances on governmental power. Notably, Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar - who appointed Baharav-Miara during his tenure as justice minister in the Bennett-Lapid government and whose party formally merged with Likud last week - supports her dismissal. Simultaneously, Prime Minister Netanyahu informed the Head of the Shin Bet (Israel’s Security Service) Ronen Bar that a vote on his dismissal will be held in the coming week. The official reason is Bar’s responsibility for the October 7 failure, but it is worth noting that the Shin Bet is currently investigating three senior aides in Netanyahu’s office over suspicions of receiving funds from Qatar, possibly as a bribe. Adding to the tensions, Bar’s predecessor, Nadav Argaman, stated in an interview on Thursday that he possesses damaging information on Netanyahu and would reveal it “if Netanyahu acts unlawfully.” This has further politicized the Israeli Shin Bet and contributed to the tension between the security establishment (associated with the opposition) and the government. It is important to note that the dismissal process for both officials is lengthy: removing Baharav-Miara requires the establishment of a special committee to make a recommendation, followed by a government decision, which the Supreme Court is likely to freeze for months; and removing Bar requires an official recommendation by an independent committee. Gali Baharav-Miara (left) and Ronen Bar. Dismissing them will require decision by committees, not just the government. 2. Deadlock in Gaza Negotiations While the Trump administration continues efforts to secure the release of more hostages from Gaza, Israel is perceived as being dragged into the process rather than leading it - despite the ongoing de facto ceasefire. Supported by President Trump’s calls to “open the gates of hell” on Gaza, Israel has announced measures to cut electricity and water supplies to Gaza and to halt humanitarian aid deliveries as leverage against Hamas, but it will take time for these actions to translate into real pressure, as Hamas has stockpiled emergency reserves of food and water. Meanwhile, Hamas has agreed to a Qatari proposal to release American hostage Idan Alexander and four deceased hostages, but the Israeli government has been slow to accept the deal. This delay signals that hostage recovery is not the government’s top priority, contrary to broad public sentiment, including among coalition voters. Iden Alexander, from his Hamas-released video, calling President Trump to push for his release. 3. IDF Operations Israel has adopted a relatively dovish approach toward Lebanon. While holding onto the five enclaves beyond the Israeli border and tactically attacking several Hezbollah assets, it has also initiated negotiations on the future border with Lebanon and released several Lebanese prisoners, including at least one Hezbollah fighter, as a goodwill gesture. Additionally, hints have been leaked suggesting openness to normalizing relations with Lebanon. In contrast, Israel maintains a hardline stance in Syria, vowing to prevent the presence of armed forces south of Damascus. The objective is to establish a buffer zone near its border and protect Syria’s Druze population. To that end, Israel continues to carry out precise strikes across Syria to ensure its strategic superiority against the new regime. 4. Appointment of the New IDF Chief of General Staff At the beginning of the month, Lt. Gen. Herzi Halevi officially resigned as IDF Chief of General Staff, following through on his earlier declaration that he would step down out of personal responsibility for the military’s failure on October 7. His successor, Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir, has announced that 2025 will be “a year of war” and has already begun updating battle plans for Gaza, alongside plans to establish new armored and infantry brigades. In his inauguration speech, Zamir called on all sectors of Israeli society to take part in the mission of national defense - a statement that could be interpreted as a call to draft ultra-Orthodox men at a time when the IDF is suffering from manpower shortages, particularly among combat troops, and as the government is pushing for a “draft law” that will exempt them from military service. Zamir, who previously served as Netanyahu’s military secretary and was his preferred candidate for the role in both 2019 and 2022, is viewed by parts of the opposition as a Netanyahu loyalist and has therefore been met with some skepticism. Eyal Zamir. Despite being labeled as a Netanyahu Loyalist, he implied that the government must draft Ultra-Orthodox men.

This Op-ed was written by LIBRAEL's founder and director Rotem Oreg , and originally published on Ma'ariv. Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky. Did not understand he's no longer the U.S.'s favorite son. Even Ukraine’s staunchest supporters, including ourselves - those who believe there is no cause more just than its war against Russia’s invasion and Putin’s war crimes - could agree: Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky emerged from his White House meeting with President Trump as morally right but not politically wise. Many Israelis overlook the most basic rule of diplomacy: it’s not what you say that matters most, but how you say it. Zelensky misread the room. He did not understand that even though he’s right, he is no longer the U.S.’s favorite son. Instead, the White House sees him as someone receiving military aid for an endless war - someone who now has to justify himself. Zelensky’s mistake is not unique to him. In fact, it characterizes another country - one that is also a pro-Western democracy fighting for its survival against an enemy determined to destroy it: Israel. Like Zelensky, we Israelis assume that because we are mostly right, and because the truth is usually on our side, we can convince the world of our righteousness if we insist on it enough in the international arena. Many Israelis overlook the most basic rule of diplomacy: it’s not what you say that matters most, but how you say it. This mistake runs through every layer of Israel’s diplomatic efforts - from diplomats and politicians meeting their Western counterparts to secure more credit for resuming military operations, to social media activists and campus advocates determined to “fight for the truth.” In a post-truth world dominated by social media, facts - such as the fact that Ukraine was invaded without provocation or justification, or that Israel is fighting a murderous, war-crimes-committing organization seeking to wipe it off the map - matter less. Thoughts, beliefs, opinions, emotions, and worldviews - however subjective - carry far more weight. Anyone seeking to persuade must take these into account and tailor their message accordingly. If we want to convince progressives of our cause, we need to start speaking their language. Some supporters of Israel may take comfort in the Trump administration, which gives Israel almost total freedom of action in Gaza. But we must not lose sight of the bigger picture: in the media, academia, civil society, and growing segments of the Democratic Party, the attitude toward Israel increasingly mirrors how the Republican Party views Ukraine: The war’s circumstances?  “We don’t support invasion or mass murder, but let’s not forget that ‘there’s context.’” Its duration?  “Ukraine/Israel can’t fight forever - they need to ‘end the war.’” Military aid?  “Ukraine/Israel receives billions in military assistance from us, and we demand accountability for how our money is spent.” Add to this the domestic political context. According to a Gallup poll, the gap between Republican support for Israel (83%) and Democratic support for Israel (33%) has never been wider - it is the largest partisan gap in support for any country. Ukraine faces a similar but opposite trend: 84% of Democrats support Ukraine, compared to just 54% of Republicans. Support for Israel (or Ukraine) has become a partisan issue, associated with Republicans (or Democrats). President Trump is in no rush to help Ukraine after seeing how President Biden and the Democrats rallied behind it; a future Democratic president may well do the same to Israel for a similar reason. U.S. Adults' view of different countries, by party, according to Gallup. American politics is cyclical, and control of the White House and Congress tends to shift every few years. Even though Republican support for Israel may seem rock solid right now, it would be a strategic mistake to ignore the looming political turnover. It is likely that a future Democratic president will be less patient and less committed to Israel than Joe Biden. The diplomatic approach of “fighting for the truth” and “letting the facts speak for themselves” may earn applause in pro-Israel circles. But unfortunately, the truth or the facts don’t really matter - insisting on them may energize the base, but it alienates the undecideds, not to mention pushes away the skeptics. And let’s not lie to ourselves: not everyone who challenges Israel hates it or “loves Hamas.” Most simply question the importance of supporting Israel or the justice of its cause - and they aren’t going anywhere. So what’s the solution? If we want to convince progressives of our cause, we need to start speaking their language. We must use their concepts, their moral rhetoric, to make a pro-Israel case in a way that won’t shut them down completely - just as President Trump and Vice President Vance shut down when confronted with Zelensky’s arguments. This means, for example, not denying the tragedy unfolding in Gaza - we don’t want to be perceived as heartless monsters. Not justifying every decision Israel makes - so that we don’t sound like North Korean propagandists. Not rushing to cold, hard facts -such as the statistic that the combatant-to-civilian kill ratio in Gaza is the “best” in the history of wars against terrorist organizations. Diplomacy is not a debate - it is the art of winning hearts and minds. And I emphasized: hearts and minds, in that order. Last month, I returned from a speaking tour across the U.S. with LIBRAEL . During this tour, I led “How to Speak Progressive” workshops for hundreds of students, high schoolers, community leaders, and pro-Israel activists nationwide. At every workshop, someone would ask how we can win a debate without relying on facts. And in every workshop, I answered: Diplomacy is not a debate - it is the art of winning hearts and minds.  And I emphasized: hearts and minds, in that order.